Anthroponymous Women IN THE Colony PDF

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Anthroponymous women in the colony ...

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ANTHROPONYMOUS WOMEN IN THE COLONY In relation to the studies on muisca anthroponymy carried out so far, those of María Luisa Rodríguez de Montes, who have published various articles based on data extracted from Roberto Velandia's Historical Encyclopedia of Cundinamarca, stand out. In one of them, released in 2003, she went to the consultation of chroniclers such as Juan de Castellanos and to Hispanic dictionaries, with the purpose of deciphering and determining that the anthroponym Muisca affix -guya or guya- is comparable to the Hispanic plate that In another of her works (2003-2004), the author exposed the information that the chroniclers offer about the Muisca guechas or güechas warriors, which identifies them as masculine proper names, which appear both simple and compound. It also reflects on its etymology from documentary sources on Muisca, both from the chroniclers and from the transcripts of the manuscript linguistic works of this language. In her 2005 article she addresses the names of women. Although the author mentions that despite the fact that in her data male anthroponymy outnumbers female, she observed the presence of the following lexical morphemes: -fura - / - bura 'woman' and -say, as well as -gay (-cai ) / gaya, -gua / -guay ~ -guai ~ -guaya (-quaya ~ -cuaya), -guey, -gue / gui, -guy / -guya, etc. In addition to this, she observed the alternation f ~ b in fura ~ bura which allowed her to deduce that this could indicate a bilabial pronunciation of -f- in Muisca (p. 263). In fact, this phenomenon that is identified in the Spanish-Muisca vocabularies, and in the current Muisquismos, allowed González de Pérez (2006) to propose a sonic / β / fricative bilabial phoneme for this language. These investigations have led Rodríguez de Montes to conclude that there are “feminine names with affixes that indicate, for example, if she is a woman: fura-, -bura, or -fucha; if you are a mother: -guaia; if she is a wife: -güi, etc. For their part, masculine names in many cases indicate whether it is male: -cha; warrior: -güecha; or if he has some rank of authority such as, for example, the many times referred to as 'captains': -tiba ”(2003, p. 206).

Another study was based on transcripts from historical sources, such as that of Gómez Aldana (2011) 1, who extracts Muisca names from the process against the Ubaque chieftain (Casilimas, 2001). Both Gómez Aldana and Rodríguez de Montes (2006) have mentioned some current Muisca surnames. One of the works that also provides valuable results regarding the identification of certain particles in the Muisca anthroponyms is that of Correa Rubio (2004, pp. 224-226), who, from the analysis of censuses and parish records of various towns in the Sabana de Bogotá concludes that the Muisca anthroponyms distinguished the position of individuals within society by gender [with morphemes such as gui, cota, ya, for women, and cha, qua, guya, pago, güera, quira, siqua, sipa, neme, for men], due to their generational status [paba, guya, guecha, chica, guaya uaca, fucha, gui, etc.] or social [uaque, tiba, tybara ~ tybacha, chutqua, tequa], which could be linked to the range; by membership in discrete social groups that, nevertheless, could be dominant within certain chiefdoms, they spread in the highlands [comba, saxipa, say, cusque, nenvia, etc.]; and, perhaps due to its origin, that is, its locality and territory [Bojacá, Tabio, Natagaima, Cajamarca, Pasca, etc.]. (pp. 225-226) Finally, Reyes Manosalva (2007, pp. 56-104, 116-163) collects Muisca patronymy from the population censuses of the colonial visits of 1602 and 1775 of various towns in Cundinamarca. It also presents patterns from the department of Boyacá, although it does not specify its sources. In summary, in this introduction we tried to present a state of the art of Muisca anthroponym investigations, as well as the origin of their corpus. The present work took as primary sources the baptismal records of three of the parishes located in the former Muisca territory, with the aim of extracting anthroponyms from this indigenous group. This work also helped to identify certain linguistic phenomena associated with the Muisca language, so we hope that this research will contribute to the studies of this extinct Colombian language. Conceptual and historical considerations

This research is framed within the onomastics, which is the discipline responsible for studying proper names. While toponymy investigates place names, anthroponymy “deals with person names, and therefore focuses mainly on their affiliation (from their earliest forms), on geographical location, on typification and on identification of their value as names ”(Flores, 2003, p. 34). Anthroponyms also allow us to analyze certain linguistic phenomena at different levels. Mora Monroy (1976, p. 559), for example, mentions that "anthroponymic terms also serve to illustrate various morphosyntactic procedures." Simón Parra's opinion (2008, pp. 89) is heading in this same direction: the graphic-phonetic study allows knowing how the evolutions that the rest of the words of the language have been experiencing are also reflected in the proper names […]; from a syntactic point of view we can study how proper names are part of the apposition and within this both the single-member appositions (Juan the carpenter) and the two-member appositions (Juan Pérez, the carpenter); You can also know the behavior of names in sentences, the alternation in the presence or absence of an article preceding the proper names […]. At the morphological level, gender and number marks are studied in the person's own names and surnames. In Hispanic culture, surnames indicate affiliation. The first surname highlights the paternal affiliation and the second the maternal, although there are certain exceptions, such as in those cases in which both maternal surnames are used due to the absence of the paternal surname due to different circumstances. The use of the surname was imposed to avoid confusion, since "the repetition of Christian names forced the use of a second name to distinguish individuals with the same name of baptism" (Quesada Vargas, 2010, p. 130). This same author states that patronymy, toponymy, positions and offices or nicknames represent some of the anthroponymic formations that were hereditary (pp. 130-138). There are certain types of formations that are presented in the same way in Polish anthroponymy (Ziolkowska, 2011, pp. Regarding this study and the structure used in baptismal records, the Christian name given to the baptized person is not accompanied by a surname, so we could

not be sure if the surname among the Muiscas, at least Since Christian baptism began to be given, it was by filiation. However, Correa Rubio (2004, p. 224) mentions that what Hispanics considered as surnames evidenced that a nuclear family distinguished father and mother, and that the "surnames" of the children were different from each other and from their parents. What we can affirm is that the names of the Muiscas were made up of two elements: a Christian first name and a Muisca surname, according to the structure that we observe in the names of the father, mother, godfather and godmother. What we call the surname in this study is of Muisca origin and is what we assume as the person's name before being baptized by the priests. Another particular aspect is that in some acts the name of the mother or godmother of the baptized person is not mentioned, but that of the father and the godfather is always included. Regarding the existence of the records of the sacraments, the Council of Trent ordered that the religious who are in charge of the parishes keep a record in sacramental books of the offices that took place in such places, such as, for example, the baptisms, marriages, confirmations and deaths. These books would be kept in each of the parishes: Another particular aspect is that in some acts the name of the mother or godmother of the baptized person is not mentioned, but that of the father and the godfather is always included. Regarding the existence of the records of the sacraments, the Council of Trent ordered that the religious who are in charge of the parishes keep a record in sacramental books of the offices that took place in such places, such as, for example, the baptisms, marriages, confirmations and deaths. These books would be kept in each of the parishes: Another particular aspect is that in some acts the name of the mother or godmother of the baptized person is not mentioned, but that of the father and the godfather is always included. Regarding the existence of the records of the sacraments, the Council of Trent ordered that the religious who are in charge of the parishes keep a record in sacramental books of the offices that took place in such places, such as, for example, the baptisms, marriages, confirmations and deaths. These books would be kept in each of the parishes: the Council of Trent ordered that the religious who are in charge of the parishes keep a record in sacramental books of the offices that took place in such

places, such as baptisms, marriages, confirmations and deaths. These books would be kept in each of the parishes: the Council of Trent ordered that the religious who are in charge of the parishes keep a record in sacramental books of the offices that took place in such places, such as baptisms, marriages, confirmations and deaths. These books would be kept in each of the parishes: The Tridentine constitutions ordered that the Parish Priests, Vicars, priests and rectors of churches should carry and keep the books and documents that were necessary as proof of the ministerial exercise, beginning with those of sacraments that would be uniform and common in all the Parishes. (Stoffel, sf, pp. 2-3) In these books, the names and surnames of those who received the sacraments should be established. One of the reasons was to prevent “blood marriages” (Quesada Vargas, 2010, p. 129). In one of the pages of the book where the baptismal records of the municipality of Oicatá were recorded, one of the visits by the commissioner of the holy office is mentioned, where he orders the date of the baptism to be recorded: “and I order that [hereinafter] the priest who officiates at the People In each baptism Put day month and year ”3 (Book of Baptisms No. 1. Year from 1608 to 1649, without foliation). De Palau and Soler (1857, p. 139) gave suggestions to the parish priests on how they should carry the parish books according to the Tridentine Council. Although these recommendations are postCouncil, we mention them because they are based on it and, possibly, they must always have currents, and on the point of presenting to the holy visit the books of baptisms, deaths and marriages as the holy council of Trent warns: and for this reason all of them are given full faith, and by lawsuits and disputes are avoided here: Barb. off. pair. chap. 7, with many others, thinks that the careless priest in the said arrangement, seriously sins. Nor should parish priests be easy in releasing such books to any person, nor correct in them the smallest thing, without special mandate from the superior Below we transcribe three baptismal records taken from the parish books of the municipalities of Machetá, Tibirita and Oicatá. The minutes have elements that are common: date, names of the priest, the baptized, the father, the mother, the

godfather and the godmother. In most of the acts the origin or residence of the parents and godparents is also mentioned. In these transcripts we respect the spelling of the original source and we separate some words according to criteria of the current Spanish: 

Machetá: In Macheta Doze de febrero de mill y Seiszientos y quarenta I Christoual de hormaza Cura del d [ic] ho pu [ebl] o baptize I put olio and chrisma to a three-day-old boy who was called thomas Son of Baruara Her natural maiden from la p [ar] te del Caciq [ue] residing in this d [ic] ho pu [ebl] o de macheta were her godparents thomas de león slave of j [uan] Rubio de mounts V [ezin] o des pu [ebl] oy Ana single from the p [ar] te de don Saluador na [tur] al del d [ic] ho pu [ebl] oy faith dello firm

Christoual de Hormaza 

Tibirita: On December 3, one thousand and six hundred and twenty-eight years, a girl named barbara baptized the daughter of Maria, unmarried from Andres suamucanchaguja, godparents sebastian cupasiche and his wife catalina has olio and chrisma Joan Garcia



Oicatá: In July sixty and six hundred and eighteen years I [bartolome] m [o] ntañez curate this town of ojcata baptize I put olio and chrisma to Ana daughter of Felipa vagame and ju [an] a sinquesuj were godparents Alonso merchan and ana ladina and in faith of it the firm Bar [tolom] e Montañez

As we can see, the dispositions dictated from the Council of Trent helped initiate the registration of those who received the sacraments, in addition to other events in the respective parishes or towns. Bueno Pérez (1998, p. 12) mentions that in canon 761 the following was ordered: “parish priests seek to impose a Christian name on the baptized; and if you cannot obtain it, add to the given by the parents the name of some saint, and record both in the baptized book ”. This indicates that in the case of the Muiscas, as we mentioned above, that structure was preserved: the Christian name and, what is considered as

their surname, the Muisca name, since it is just from the 15th century onwards that the surname was definitively established (Bueno Pérez, 1998, p. 14) and it was definitively established (Bueno Pérez, 1998, p. 14). Another aspect worth mentioning is that we do not know the proficiency in the Muisca language that the religious signatories of those acts had, because although to access a doctrine the religious needed to demonstrate knowledge in the indigenous language, many of them did not meet this requirement. What we can affirm is that these registers occurred in a period in which the Muisca language was in full bloom and enjoyed prestige, since, in addition to being a lingua franca, professorships were held in this language. This flourishing was linked to a clear process of Hispanicization, as can be concluded from the very existence of these baptismal acts. Without a doubt, in these documents that we identify as culturally Hispanic, we observe a dialogue, Finally, the existence of these acts is due precisely to the provisions that were given at the Council of Trent and that, in some way, helped to register Muisca names and remain for posterity, despite the fact that the registration of those anthroponyms will show an acculturation process of the Muisca people. Methodological considerations The baptismal certificates that were included in this study are filed in the churches of the municipalities of Machetá and Tibirita, located in the department of Cundinamarca, and in Oicatá, in the department of Boyacá. These cover the period between 1608 and 1650. This selection was made to analyze the contents of the records of earlier years in order that the Hispanicization process would have influenced Muisca anthroponymy to a lesser extent. In this sense, the sacramental documents of these three municipalities fulfilled this characteristic. As De Diego (2000, p. 340) says: "the older, continuous and abundant its documentation, the more important the archive will be for the investigation of the past". However,

Firstly, we request the permits from the priests of each locality. Many times we had to return another day or wait several hours because the priests were doing their work in other parts of the town. It was also necessary to take into account the hours of operation of the parish offices. During the first consultations in the archives we tried to make the registration of the anthroponyms in situ, but due to the large amount of material, because the writing of the 17th century made it difficult to understand, due to factors of time and economic resources, we decided to take photos of the documents to which we were allowed access. The images are taken with a Sony dsc-w510 camera. As we were downloading the images on the personal computer, we were organizing them by population, book and type of sacramental document. Material description Machetá The material from this municipality corresponds to Book 1, which belongs to the Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria church. This contains different types of records since the priests divided it for this purpose: baptisms, inventories, brotherhoods, visits, notifications, marriages and deaths. Book 1 contains a total of 201 folios. For this study, we chose 54 pages that correspond to baptism certificates from the years 1609 to 1650. Liliana Estefanía Ospina Giraldo was in charge of transcribing these pages. Tibirita The material from this municipality is called Year 1616 First Book of Baptism. Tibirita, Cundinamarca and belongs to the Nuestra Señora de los Dolores church. This title is written on the cover on a small square white paper stuck in the center. In its first folios, authorizations for marriages of years after 1700 are described). Then there are the baptismal records of a period between 1616 and 1651. This book contains 208 pages, but 62 of them correspond to descriptions of visits and confirmations. That is to say, the pages that we choose for this

work add up to 146, whose transcription was in charge of Laura Paulina Gómez Arrubla Oicatá The material of this municipality belongs to the church of the Immaculate Conception. On the cover of the book is written in black ink "Baptism Book from the year 1608 to 1649" 6 and in the center on a white rectangular sheet and in print with a letter that appears to be from a computer and in capital letters: baptism book no. . 1st. year 1608 to 1649. The numbers are handwritten in black ink. At the bottom of that blank sheet, in black ink and in italics, it reads: “Marriages = 1.608 to 1.6427 || Deaths, 1,610 to 1646 ”. From this book we initially considered 60 pages that corresponded to baptismal records from a period of 1608 to 16228, but, among these, five belonged to confirmations and one to the cover. Therefore, from this book, we take 54 pages. For the study we also took into account a second book, it has written on the cover, in black ink, "It begins from 1649 to 57" and also in the center on a white rectangular sheet and in print with a letter that appears to be from a computer and in capital letters: baptism book no. 2. year from 1649 to 1704. The numbers are handwritten in black ink. At the bottom of that blank sheet, in black ink and in italics, it says: “Marriages, 1,647 to 1700 || Deaths, 1,649 to 1,798 ”. From this book we took 9 folios from a period between 1649 and 1650. In summary, for this study we took 63 folios. The transcription of the first book was done by Liliana Estefanía Ospina Giraldo and the second one by Laura Paulina Gómez Arrubla....