Haydar Dughlat, Tarikh-i Rashidi PDF

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Haydar Dughlat, Tarikh-i Rashidi

About the Author and Text: The author of the work, Muhammad Haydar Dughlat, known commonly as Mirza Haydar, was a descendent of the Chaghatay khans. He was raised in the region of Moghulistan, or the eastern half of the Chaghatay khanate, and later moved to India, where he served in the military of the Timurid rulers. He wrote the Tarikh-i Rashidi in Kashmir in 1546. The work was dedicated to and named after the ruler of Moghulistan, ʿAbd al-Rashid Khan. He wrote the text in order to rescue the memory of the khans from oblivion, a danger he felt was eminent at the time. In this he proved more prescient than he could have known, for within a short time the khanate of Moghulistan did cease to exist, and with the last of the khans came to an end the last of the dynastic lines established by Chinggis Khan’s son Chaghatay in the thirteenth century. On his mother's side Mirza Haydar was a first cousin to the Timurid ruler Babur (1483-1530), the conqueror of northern India and progenitor of the Mughal Dynasty in the subcontinent, and his history in many ways complements Babur's own memoirs, the Baburnama, for they were near contemporaries, and much of Babur's early career was inextricably linked to the fate of his maternal uncles, the khans of Moghulistan, and to the amirs of the Dughlat clan, to which Mirza Haydar belonged. Mirza Haydar, in fact, was raised by Babur in Kabul for several years during his adolescence, and, in addition to the affection and hero-worshipping awe in which the young mirza held his elder cousin, Mirza Haydar' s education was supervised by Babur. The Tarikh-i Rashidi is one of the single most important sources for understanding the origins and early history of the Qazaq khans, especially given that the Qazaq khans themselves did not patronize any of their own historical works. Five excerpts from the text are given here, each of which is significant in different ways for understanding the early history of the Qazaq khans and which illustrate the author’s own relationship to and biases regarding his subject.

Excerpt #1: Sultan Ways Khan was the son of Sher-ʿAli Oghlan. After his father’s death, when he reached maturity, he could no longer endure living with his uncle, Sher Muhammad Khan, so he departed and went out into the hinterlands as a qazaq. In the Moghul nation, every young man who was a champion and had a desire to conquer territory joined him. Among them was Amir Sayyid-ʿAli, my great-grandfather. I am descended through the maternal line from Ways Khan and through the paternal line from Sayyid-ʿAli. Amir Sayyid-ʿAli was the son of Sayyid-Ahmad Mirza, who was the son of Khudaydad.

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Questions on Excerpt #1: 1. What does this excerpt tell us about the author’s understanding of the term qazaq? Why is this fact important? 2. What do we learn here about the author’s relationship with the subject of his history?

Excerpt #2: When Yunus Khan left, the entire nation pledged allegiance to Esän-Buqa Khan, and peace and security reigned. After several years had passed, the Khan, due to his youth and inexperience, belittled the amirs. He chose a man named Temür of the Uyghur tribe of Turfan and overdid his patronage of him. The amirs could not bear to see Temür so favored and themselves so belittled, so one day in the Khan’s assembly they ganged up, cut Temür to pieces, and immediately dispersed. The Khan was extremely fearful and took flight too. When this news reached Amir Sayyid-ʿAli in Kashghar, he went to Moghulistan, located the khan, and brought him and a few others to Aksu, which he gave to the khan. Meanwhile, the Moghul amirs were all following their own leads. Mir Muhammadshah was living in At-Bashi, but after corresponding with and swearing oaths to his nephew, Amir Sayyid-ʿAli, he went to the Khan in Aksu, where he remained honored and powerful until the end of his life. Another was Mir Karimberdi, who was also a Dughlat. He went to Andizhan and Fergana on the edge of Moghulistan, built a castle on the top of a hill in a place called Ala-Buka, traces of which can still be seen today, and started raiding Andizhan and the Muslims. Another was Mir Haqqberdi. He built a fortress in Issyk Kul in a place called Qoy Suyï. He placed his wife and family on an island in the Issyk Kul so that they would be safe from the predations of the Qalmaq while he himself set about devastating Turkistan and Sayram. The amirs of the Chiras and Barin tribes went among the Qalmaq to Esän Taishi’s son, Amasanji Taishi. A number of the Qaluji and other tribes went to Abuʾl-Khayr Khan in Uzbekistan. The Künji amirs and others began wreaking havoc in the plains of Moghulistan. However, when Esän-Buqa Khan settled in Aksu, first Mir Muhammadshah, and after him the people in general, returned to their obedience to the Khan. The Khan also regretted his past actions and conducted himself well with the people. After he had acquired strength, he first attacked Sayram, Turkistan, and Tashkent, where he wrought a lot of havoc and withdrew. This foray was before the year 855 [1451].1 By the next time he attacked Ferghana in the same manner, Sultan Abu Saʿid Mirza had become the ruler of Transoxiana,2 and he pursued the Khan until he reached Yangï, which is called Taraz in histories. Before a battle could take place, the Moghuls took flight and Sultan Mirza Haydar employs the Muslim hijri calendar in his writing, which begins with the year 622. Sultan Abu Saʿid (d. 1469) was the Timurid ruler of Central Asia. Transoxiana, or the “Land beyond the Oxus,” is a geographical term generally referring to the southern regions of Central Asia between the Amu Darya (Oxus) and Syr Darya Rivers.

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Abu Saʿid Mirza withdrew. When Sultan Abu Saʿid Mirza left to take Khurasan, Esän-Buqa Khan went to Andizhan, where an amir named Mirza ʿAli Kuchik was stationed on behalf of Sultan Abu Saʿid Mirza. Mirza ʿAli fortified the fortress at Andizhan, but the Khan’s troops were so numerous that they encircled the fortress three times and began tunneling in from every direction. They took the outer fortifications, and Mirza ʿAli Kuchik was left in the citadel. Finally he surrendered on terms of much tribute. The Khan took the entire province of Andizhan prisoner and withdrew. Until this day there are descendants of those captives in Kashghar [….] Meanwhile, Abuʾl-Khayr Khan held total sway in the Qipchaq Steppe and harassed the Jochid princes. Jani-Beg Khan and Giray Khan fled from him into Moghulistan and EsänBuqa Khan welcomed them, assigning them the area around the Chu and Quzï Bashï, his western frontier with Moghulistan. There they were when Abuʾl-Khayr Khan died and the Uzbek confederation fell to pieces amidst great squabbling. Most of the Uzbeks went to Giray Khan and Jani-Beg Khan, swelling their numbers to two hundred thousand. They were then given the name Uzbek-Qazaq, and the Qazaq sultans held sway from around 870 [146566] – God only knows – and lasted until 940 [1533-34]. In most of Uzbekistan after Giray Khan was Burunduq Khan, and after him was Jani-Beg Khan’s son, Qasim Khan. He consolidated the Qipchaq Steppe and had an army of more than a million men. After Jochi Khan there was probably never a ruler more powerful in that territory. After him was his son Mamash Khan, and after him was his nephew Tahir Khan. During this Tahir Khan’s time the Qazaq confederation collapsed. After him was his brother Boylash Khan. There were twenty thousand Qazaqs left in Boylash Khan’s time. After the year 940 [153334] that number ceased to exist, and the Qazaqs were reduced to naught. In short, from the time of Esän-Buqa Khan until the time of Rashid Khan there was amity and peace between the Moghuls and the Qazaqs, but Rashid Khan broke the peace, as will be explained in the section on Rashid Khan.

Questions on Excerpt #2: 1. What does this excerpt tell us about the state of affairs in Moghulistan at the time of JaniBeg Khan and Giray Khan’s arrival there? Does the information given here help us to better understand their decision to break from the khanate of Abuʾl-Khayr? 2. What does this excerpt suggest about the nature of the Qazaq polity in this early period? 3. Generally speaking, what does this excerpt tell us about the relationship between khans and amirs within the Chinggisid political system? What rights and responsibilities did each party expect from the other? Give some specific examples.

Excerpt #3: In the year 855 [1451], in the territory of Genghis Khan’s son Jochi Khan, which is called the Qipchaq Steppe, of Jochi Khan’s race Abuʾl-Khayr Khan was ruler. In that territory and at 3

that time there was no greater ruler. After his death, however, his people began to decline, and many joined Giray Khan and Jani-Beg Khan. Abuʾl-Khayr Khan’s sons had a longstanding enmity with these two, and they were also at enmity with the Moghul khans because the Moghul khans had supported Giray Khan and Jani-Beg. After Abuʾl-Khayr Khan’s death his people gathered around Buruj Oghlan, Abuʾl-Khayr Khan’s eldest son.3 Since Giray Khan and Jani-Beg Khan had attained great strength, Buruj Khan got as far away as possible, on the borders of Turkistan. When the news of the Moghuls’ coming was heard in Turkistan, after verifying that Yunus Khan was in Qara Tuqay, Buruj Oghlan attacked the Khan’s camp. By chance, that day the Moghul people had all crossed the ice to the other side of the Jaxartes River to go hunting. Buruj Oghlan arrived around mid-morning to find the Khan’s entire camp undefended. His forces were twenty thousand, and the Moghuls at that time were sixty thousand households. They dismounted, and every man made himself the master of a lordless tent. Buruj Oghlan himself settled into the Khan’s quarters, and they all, each in a different tent, occupied themselves with taking and evaluating spoils. Yunus Khan was out hunting when the news arrived. Leaving the hunt, he headed for the camp without bothering to organize his army. When he reached the river bank, the water was frozen. The Khan’s camp was beside the river. The Khan could blow a horn better than anyone else at that time, and everyone recognized the sound of the Khan’s horn. When he arrived, the Khan, accompanied by six men, one of whom was the standard bearer, sounded his horn and charged across the river. Every Uzbek who had entered a tent was seized by the women where he was. When Buruj Oghlan heard the sound of the horn and saw a standard and six men, he wanted to mount his horse, but the women pulled down the groom, and the maidservants brought down the horse and rider. Just then the Khan arrived and ordered Buruj Oghlan’s head cut off and mounted on a spear. Few of the twenty thousand Uzbeks escaped. The Khan settled back in his camp, triumphant and victorious. The next day, when the army was assembled, they went out in pursuit. All of Abuʾl-Khayr Khan’s princes who were left were scattered.

Questions on Excerpt #3: 1. Why do you think the author includes this story in his account? 2. What does this excerpt suggest about the author’s attitude and bias towards the Uzbeks?

Excerpt #4: Abuʾl-Khayr Khan dominated the entire Qipchaq Steppe. Any prince of Jochid lineage he suspected of having seditious thoughts he wanted to reduce to nothing. A group of Giray Khan’s and Jani-Beg Khan’s princes, as well as a few of Abuʾl-Khayr Khan’s own men, took Haydar Dughlat is probably mistaken in referring to Buruj Oghlan as a son of Abu’l-Khayr. In other sources, including the Bahr al-asrar, he is mentioned as a sultan from a different Jochid lineage. 3

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flight and went to Moghulistan. At that time the khanate of Moghulistan was held by EsanBuqa Khan, who welcomed them and assigned them a corner of Moghulistan. They found it to be a secure spot and passed their days free of worry. After the death of Abuʾl-Khayr Khan, contention broke out among the Uzbeks, and everyone who could sought refuge for safety and security with Giray Khan and Jani-Beg Khan, and this gave them great power. Since they had first separated from the larger people and were wandering aimlessly without equipment, they were called Qazaqs. And the name stuck. After Giray Khan his son Burunduq Khan became Khan. The above-mentioned Qasim Khan was Jani-Beg Khan’s son, and in continuation of his father’s custom he was obedient and subservient to Burunduq Khan in everything. After Burunduq Khan, Giray Khan had had many sons. Jani-Beg Khan had also had sons besides Qasim Khan, one of whom was Adik Sultan. He had married Yunus Khan’s fourth daughter, Sultan-Nigar Khanïm, after the death of her first husband, Sultan Mahmud Mirza son of Sultan-Abu Saʿid Mirza. After the Debacle of Tashkent, Adik Sultan fled from Shahi-Beg Khan to join the Qazaqs, and he was followed by Sultan-Nigar Khanïm. Around that time Adik Sultan died, and Qasim Khan married the Khanïm. After Adik Sultan died, Qasim Khan gained such dominance that Burunduq was left with nothing but the name of Khan. In the end Burunduq Khan was banished and went to Samarkand, where he died in exile. Qasim Khan brought the entire Qipchaq Steppe under his control in a way that no one had since Jochi Khan. His army numbered upward of a million. He finally died after 924 [1518], and war broke out among the Qazaq princes. After Qasim Khan, his son Mamash Khan became Khan. He died of a breathing disorder during one of those battles. After him Adik Sultan’s son Tahir Khan became Khan. He was a stingy man whose parsimony was so great that his men, who were nearly four hundred thousand in number, deserted him and dispersed. He was left alone among the Kirghiz, where he died in misery. Once again nearly three thousand men formed a confederation in Moghulistan, and Tahir Khan’s brother Boylash Khan became Khan. In the end the treacherous celestial sphere conspired that not a trace of all those people remain. Today, in the year 930 [1523-24], not so much as a trace of the Qazaqs, who once numbered a million, is left on the face of the earth. More about them will be forthcoming in reports on the Khan. This has been a summary account of the Qazaqs.

Questions on Excerpt #4: 1. What does this excerpt tell us regarding the origin of the Qazaqs and their name? According to this excerpt, how would one define “Qazaq” identity in this period? Was it a political designation, an ethnic marker, a national identity, or something else? 2. What can we learn from this excerpt about the selection of leadership among the Qazaqs? What qualities were required of one to become and to remain khan?

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3. What do you think Mirza Haydar meant when he wrote that, “Today… not so much as a trace of the Qazaqs, who once numbered a million, is left on the face of the earth.”?

Excerpt #5: When the spring of 918 [1512] came, the Shibanid Uzbeks, by whom I mean the followers of Shahi-Beg Khan, took over Transoxiana. Fear of them was firmly fixed in everyone’s heart. They had spent the winter in the above-mentioned stratagem. When spring came they started wondering what stratagem to employ next and what to do. Without warning, the news of Qasim Khan’s approach was received. Before he had started out, the Khan4 had gone and raided Angren, an important town in Tashkent. I was along on that raid. When dawn broke, we came upon the people who were being raided. They had put their animals, possessions, and households in the forests for safekeeping. On one side was a large river, and on another was a deep ravine with only one road. These people would not let anyone approach. The Khan was informed. He charged Khwaja ʿAli to hold my reins so I wouldn’t get into trouble, since I had still not reached an age at which I could distinguish good from evil or keep myself out of danger. When they got near they saw that a large troop of archers on foot had their bows strung and were ready to fight to the death. As they approached, the Khan encouraged his champions, telling them that they should not rush forward impetuously but attack in unison. The warriors pulled in their reins preparatory to making a charge. They were so busy making arrangements that they did not notice when the Khan charged, alone and unaccompanied. Indeed, the Khan’s purpose in telling them what he had was to take them off guard. He rode ahead of everyone else. Three men were lying in ambush. All three were archers, and they let arrows fly at the Khan. Fortunately they all missed. All three murderous villains, in fear for their lives, fell at the feet of the Khan’s horse. The Khan turned his attention to another, and one man had just stuck his head out from under the Khan’s horse when Abdul-Wahid Bahadur, who had charged after the Khan, gave him such a swipe with his sword that the villain’s head flew a bow length before falling to the ground. The Khan attacked yet another, and right behind him flashed the blades of his swordsmen, each of whom could have instructed bloodthirsty Mars in his labor, their swords flashing like lightning. In an instant the harvest of that group’s lives was so reduced to nonexistence that there could be no thought of existence until Doomsday. Since in that battle, in the ranks of heroes and troops of courageous warriors, no one could outdo the Khan, all loosened their tongues in praise of him, acknowledging the Khan’s outstanding feats of valor. They all returned safe and sound. Then came the news that Qasim Khan had reached Tashkent and was going to attack Sevinchäk Khan.5 Immediately the Khan set out for Tashkent. Scarcely had he reached the Kindirlig Pass between Fergana and Tashkent when the news of Qasim Khan’s withdrawal was received. The Khan too turned back and went to Akhsi. Then he reinforced the fortresses 4 5

This refers to the khan of Moghulistan at this time, Sultan Saʿid (d. 1533). This is a reference to one of the Shibanid rulers of Central Asia.

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of Fergana and set out for the Qazaqs, thinking that he might be able to entice them to attack Tashkent again. During that trip I remained behind due to an indisposition. The Khan left and reached Chu, a well-known place in Moghulistan. Qasim at that time had left his sixties behind and had entered his seventies. The Khan was not yet thirty and in the full bloom of youth. Qasim sent his regrets at not being able to come out to greet the Khan because of his advanced age, but he sent all his princes, some of whom were fifty or sixty years old like Janïsh Khan, Tinish Khan, Mamash Khan, Jan-Haydar Sultan, Qarïsh, and others, some thirty of forty princes of Jochid lineage, to kneel and receive the Khan. The Khan rose for Janïsh Khan and Tinish Khan, who were very aged, and they bent their knees to him. The others also bent their knees, but the Khan remained seated to receive them. Then Qasim Khan came forward to the Khan in such a manner that the Khan never forgot his experience with him until the end of his days. Whenever he reported it he said, "Qasim Khan was a really worthy man," and he would relate his experiences with him. One of them was as follows. After the presentations were made, Qasim Khan went to the Khan and said, “We are men of the steppe. Little good is to be found here other than horses. Our food is horse flesh, and in our region there are no gardens or buildings. Our recreation is to inspect our herds. Let us go together and view them for a while.” “When we reached the herds,” the Khan would say, “he examined them all and said, ‘I have two horses that are worth all the herds.’ He had them brought.” Many times the Khan used to say, “I never saw the likes of those two horses.” He said, “The men of the steppe depend on horses for their lives, but there are no horses other than these two I would put my trust in. My situation is not such that I can give you both of them. Since you are an honored guest, accept whichever of them you like and leave me the other.” He described them both, and the Khan took one, whose name was Oghlan Turuq, and truly its like had never been seen. When another horse had been selected from the herd, Qasim Khan offered a goblet of kumiss to the Khan, saying, “Our hospitality is like this. If you w...