Title | Nias Island traditional houses |
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Author | Viaro Alain |
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!"!#$ &#!'( Nias Island traditional houses Introduction The island of Nias has unfortunately been in the news because of the dev‑ astating effects of the Indian Ocean tsunami of 26 December 2004, and the destructive earthquake on 28 March 2005 and its a...
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Nias Island traditional houses Introduction The island of Nias has unfortunately been in the news because of the dev‑ astating effects of the Indian Ocean tsunami of 26 December 2004, and the destructive earthquake on 28 March 2005 and its aftershocks in April 2005. Though the damage caused by the tsunami was limited to fishing villages and tourist resorts on the northern and western coasts,1 the earthquake affect‑ ed the whole island: 80% of Gunungsitoli, the capital city in the north, was destroyed, all government buildings collapsed2 and the entire island was rav‑ aged by death and destruction. While the collapsed structures were mostly recently built concrete buildings, many old traditional buildings, including the big chief’s houses in the south, were destroyed or seriously damaged. Many of the buildings described in this contribution no longer exist, and there is little hope of their being rebuilt one day. Located on the border of the Indonesian Archipelago and relatively unknown, Nias has always been on the fringe of the great currents of civili‑ zation, religion, and trade, and has attracted only minimal interest from out‑ siders.3 Despite this, a unique and elaborate architecture developed there. It is rare to find elsewhere in the world the combination of functional and artistic
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Affected areas were mostly Sirombu, Lahewa and Mandrehe: 150 dead, 3000 homeless, all fishing boats destroyed. Tourist resorts on Hinako Islands, Sorake Beach and Lagundri were also destroyed. 2 The statistics for Gunungsitoli are as follows: 848 dead, 152,320 wounded; 15,635 houses, 85 mosques, 1,678 churches, two Buddhist temples, 1,733 schools, 177 bridges, and 613 government buildings were totally destroyed. Roughly 1,000 people have fled the island for Sumatra. Source: www.reliefweb.org (accessed 27‑4‑2005) and personal comments by Pastor Hämmerle. 3 General statistics for Nias: surface area is 4,475 km2; the highest point is 886 m; and rainfall averages 3,200 mm per year. According to the 1987 census there were 537,690 inhabitants distrib‑ uted across the following areas: 61% in the north (328,666 people), 27% in the centre (145,435), 12% in the south (65,589). About 30% of the provincial roads and 96% of the district roads could not be used for traffic in 1990; frequent landslides and the earthquakes have made the situation much worse today.
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Figure 1. Map of Nias with locations mentioned in the text. Nias, with a surface area of 4,475 square kilometres, lies west of Sumatra at about 100 km north of the equator. The island is normally divided into three zones of unequal size but corresponding more or less to cultural regions and styles of architecture: the south (1/10), the centre (3/10) and the north (6/10).
architectural features accompanied by such an excellent use of space. The Nias house is resolutely ‘modern’ in its three‑dimensional structures. The empirical perception of static principles has led to an architecture unknown elsewhere in traditional dwellings. The mastery of carpentry has enabled the use of gigantic hardwood beams for building, demonstrating great artistic sen‑
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sibility. Most of the houses are decorated, and the carvings on the chiefs’ dwell‑ ings are particularly remarkable. Monumentalism produces a unique spatial organization at the village scale, reflecting society and social status. Though relatively small, Nias is remarkably diverse, with two distinctive languages and several cultural regions, each with its own traditional political organization and a monumental architecture defined by three main types. This contribution is based on data collected during the course of seven fieldwork visits between 1977 and 1986. Our informants were mainly village chiefs, as tradition demanded that they be the only ones to receive foreign guests. Their position made them familiar with customary law and therefore they were interlocutors both privileged and unavoidable. In January 1993, I returned to Nias to design a project for a local ethnographic museum and to evaluate the state of maintenance of the houses of the big chiefs in the south with the aim of proposing a plan for renovation. Since then, some of the chiefs’ houses have reached a state of near‑collapse (Hilinawalo Fau, Onohöndrö), one has been repaired (Bawomataluo), and others have been placed on the World Monuments Fund list (Hilimondregeraya; Viaro 2003). Since the 1997 financial crisis the local situation has changed significantly. Emigration to Sumatra and Java has increased. As a result of deforestation and illegal logging, disastrous flooding and landslides in 2001 and 2002 have washed away entire villages and killed people. The island has also suffered a deadly plague affecting swine and chicken. The economic crisis has resulted in the failure of all types of economic development.4 The marginal situation of Christian minorities has furthermore impoverished the local culture. The introduction of television in the middle of the 1980s profoundly changed social interactions, because community activities declined in favour of activities centred on individual household interests. Satellite dishes now occupy former public and festive spaces.5 Rebuilt roads brought more cars and motorbikes into the village, substantially changing the urban landscape and access patterns. In the past few years there has been a building boom in the capital city because of an increase in tourism and the development of many small resorts for surfers all around the island and on nearby islets. Nias’s traditional architecture and monumental tradition, however, were not promoted, and Bawomataluo became the only tourist village in the south. The earthquake of 28 March 2005 affected the whole infrastructure of the island: roads, the airport, resorts, administrative buildings, schools, and hospitals were all 4
The Sorake Beach Hotel in Lagundi Beach, built in 1994 as part of an ambitious develop‑ ment programme funded by Batak investors with Singaporean money, was damaged by the tsunami on 26‑12‑2004 and as tourism has strongly declined, it is partially abandonned (visit in December 2007). 5 Photographs by Jesper Kurt‑Nielsen http://nias.natmus.dk/foto‑jesper.html), National Museum of Denmark, 2003.
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destroyed and it will take years for the island to recover. In the meantime the traditional houses will likely be completely ruined and will disappear. Since the 1980s the direct observation of traditional houses on Nias has become nearly impossible, and the buildings have become a devitalized testament to the past. Among our informants in the areas colonized late, some still belonged to the generation that remembered the arrival of the settlers and missionaries. They were among the last people who could bear witness to what Nias was like before Christianization and Indonesianization.6 In this contribution, I will only describe the houses of commoners, because a discussion of the houses of big chiefs would be too lengthy and too specific to develop here.
Introduction to Nias houses A defensive habitat It is important to emphasize that the Niha were warriors. Farming, of course, was always practiced on the island by free men and slaves, but developing weapons of war and defence (spears, swords, shields, and armour) took precedence over the development of agriculture. As a consequence, soil is practically never mentioned in the description of the village and on the whole island there are no granaries. This is all the more noteworthy considering the importance of this type of building in most traditional villages of the archi‑ pelago, whether Batak, Toraja or Balinese. Throughout the island the layout of the villages and the design of the houses reflect the importance of defence. The form of the villages, though, must also be approached through the lens of the social and political structure, which differs according to region. In the north, the compulsory founding of a new village for anyone wanting to reach an upper rank, as well as the links established with other villages of the same clan, generated an open system of small groups all over the territory. Protection was perceived as a totality, each unit only reinforcing its fortifications sporadically and only when necessary. In the centre and the south, each village is closed and permanently fortified, almost as if beleaguered. Small in the centre and medium‑sized in the south, villages are always separated by a relatively large territory. In each of them, from north to south, a chief’s house indicates authority. The houses, if not fortified, were built to be defensible. Across the entire island, the oldest dwellings share the same characteristics. The pillars are two 6
Pastor Johannes Hämmerle, who originated the idea for a local museum, has systematically published records of local informants for the last 30 years (see References).
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to three metres high, and the entrance is reached by a movable ladder leading to a heavy trap door that is firmly shut at night and when there is a threat of danger. The dwelling level was thus made inaccessible, and its front opening has sturdy bars through which the enemy’s movements could be observed. Ready to defend the house, the young men slept in this public room. A bar‑ ricaded door separated it from the private part of the house where the mas‑ ter’s room was. The master, along with the goods stored in his room, was protected in this closed and windowless room.
The houses: similarities Certain characteristics of all Nias traditional houses testify to the uniqueness of their architecture. All the dwellings are made of wood, built on pillars, and have large two‑sided roofs and outward‑leaning walls. They are all divided into a public space (always located at the front) and a private space. These fixed characteristics can be observed in the oldest houses as well as in more recent ones and even in non‑traditional houses. The other traits common among Niha buildings, discussed below, are the way they are adapted to earthquakes, the choice of materials, the measuring system and the tools used.
Adaptation to earthquakes To counteract the frequent tremors in the area, the Niha have found an original solution that is unique in the world of vernacular architecture, as far as can be known. All the houses are set not only on a series of vertical posts, but also on bracing posts, thereby creating a very sturdy three‑dimensional structure that, because it is not anchored into the ground, allows necessary flexibility. In the south (Figure 2), the bracing posts lean against each other at the base; at the top they fit into the horizontal beams placed under the floor of the house itself. They are placed both along and across the building. A similar structure exists in the roof, but only transverse oblique purlins, crossing in their centre, lean at their upper and lower ends on the vertical and horizontal parts of the framework. If the soil moves, the bracing elements of the super‑ structure and the substructure will support the construction and ensure the stability of the whole. In the centre (Figure 3), the system is similar, although often there are no bracing struts in the roof. In the north (Figure 4), the brac‑ ing posts do not lean against each other but cross in the middle, and the base stands on a stone. The top ends are embedded in the horizontal beams, which support the floor of the house. This dual‑oriented system – transverse and longitudinal – functions in a rather different way compared to the rest
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Figure 2. Drawing of a typical commoner’s house in the village of Botohilitano, South Nias (Survey 1979). The oblique front posts are always in front of the others. The lateral and internal walls and partitions are part of the structure. Drawings by Alain Viaro and André Carlen.
Figure 3. One type of Central Nias houses in the village of Tetegewo, Idano Tae (Survey 1980). The oblique front posts are usually behind the first row of vertical ones. The lateral walls function like a basket and therefore are not part of the structure. For this reason double or triple houses can be found in this area. Drawings by Alain Viaro and André Carlen.
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Figure 4. The unique oval house type is found quite everywhere in the hills from the northern part. This one was surveyed in the village of Lololakha, Idano Idanoj, not far from the capital city of Gunungsitoli (survey 1980). The whole and heavy roof is sup‑ ported by four central pillars. The lateral walls have no structural function. Drawings by Alain Viaro and André Carlen.
of the island. The bracing posts behind the façade are placed lengthwise. The bracing posts under the middle of the house are often placed crosswise, and above all are ballasted in the centre by logs or blocks of stone in order to increase the stability of the whole. There is no wind bracing in the roof. This system nevertheless has its limits and some eighteenth‑ and nine‑ teenth‑century accounts mention villages totally destroyed by violent earth‑ quakes (Modigliani 1890:112). In recent landslides the system of pillars rest‑ ing on stones proved catastrophic as the houses were more easily washed away. Because of a lack of maintenance and the repeated earthquakes since 28
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March 2005, old structures all over the island have been destabilized: pillars, beams, and lengthwise supporting planks have become dislodged.
Use of materials Traditional houses are entirely built from vegetal materials and their use shows a deep understanding of their properties. The types of wood used for many different purposes hardly vary from one area to another. Some are known to resist vertical pressure while others resist bending. Bamboo or palm tree ribs are used when flexibility is required. Among the vast choice of leaves, only sago is used for the roof thatching. Everywhere on the island the roof thatching is made of pre‑assembled panels, and not of sheaves attached to the framework. The construction of a traditional house uses neither nails nor screws; instead the different parts are jointed and pegged, and binding is only applied in roofing. Throughout the island the roof ridges are reinforced for wind resistance by crossed poles of wood or bamboo attached to the roofing material. The many rafters and the battening to which the roofing panels are tied ensure the cohesion of the whole roof. Moreover, the steep angle of the roof stops the panels from being lifted by strong wind.
Measuring system and tools Measures are expressed in units relating to the human body, a practice that is found across most of Southeast Asia. They correspond to the average height of a man from Nias, about 1.6 metres. Other useful measurements that can be combined with other units of measurement include the width of a hand palm (the smallest measurement) and the distance between outstretched arms and hands (the largest measurement). The carpenter uses rather basic tools: a separator (zuzu)7 as a wedge to open the logs, long saws to cut up the boards, a hatchet (fato), a long machete (belewa) to carve beams and boards, an adze (rimbe), a plane (sundru), chisels (fahö) to cut the joints, a hardwood mallet (bagowahö) to peg and embed, a mallet (fanutu laso) to fit in wall panels vertically, and an ink string (rumah banah) used as both marker and plumb line. Still used nowadays, these tools are certainly not all local inventions because the Niha had no iron ore. Most tools were probably borrowed from Europeans during the early contact.
7
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See the glossary of Nias terms at the end of the chapter.
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Social structure, cycle of feasts and the house It is not possible in this short contribution to present the social structure of the three cultural areas, nor to outline the cycle of feasts connected with it. We must specify, though, that in all three areas a certain type of feast is connected with the building of the house or the village.8 South Nias’s feast cycle calls for up to 11 feasts for the si’ulu (the noble) but only the first ranks of such ceremonies are accessible to commoners. The third feast (falau omo) concerns all the festive customs associated with construction and goes on during the whole building period. In the north, feasts are held to maintain, reaffirm or raise one’s bösi.9 The third level corresponds to the consecration of a new house. In the centre, the number of feasts varies. At Orahili Gomo for example, the commoners had up to three feasts, the notables had six and the chiefs had to complete a set of 12. As in the south and north, the third owasa is the house building’s feast. From this, we can conclude that across the whole island the third level of feast, which was also the last level accessible to commoners, concerns the process of building the house. And it is truly a process, as feasts take place at different stages of building and a final time before occupying the house. The building of a village was an affair not for the individual but for the clan. It was part of the power sphere. It was most important in the north, where the higher ‘levels’, eight to ten or even 12, concerned the shifting of part of the community to a new place. There was first ‘the opening of the road for creating a new village’ (owasa fama’oli zifao bagahe), then ‘organizing the construction of the new village’ (owasa fanaru’o banua) and finally ‘to establish an öri’ (owasa famasindro öri). The öri (literally ‘ring, circle’) is the territorial equivalent of the clan and represents the last level in creating a new clan.
The north: oval houses Houses in the north are different from those of other areas, both in shape and plan. The house is oval and often has rectangular extensions adjoining the semi‑circular sides or the back. Sometimes a storey is even added inside the roof. These developments are possible without modifying the skeleton of the basic oval, as the original unit’s walls have no bearing function. The frame‑ work and whole roof rest only on the four central pillars going up through the floor. This mode of construction, with point load, allows structure or walls to be modified, thereby enabling alterations required by the family. 8
For the description of feast systems see Ziegler 1986, 1990; Viaro and Ziegler 1998. Bösi means ‘a stair’. The number of stairs, of ranks, to accomplish differs from village to village. Commoners must hold seven f...