SEXUAL SLAVERY: A CASE STUDY OF JOGINIS IN SOUTH INDIA. PDF

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ISSN: 2320-5407 Int. J. Adv. Res. 6(6), 705-714 Journal Homepage: -www.journalijar.com Article DOI:10.21474/IJAR01/7265 DOI URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/IJAR01/7265 RESEARCH ARTICLE SEXUAL SLAVERY: A CASE STUDY OF JOGINIS IN SOUTH INDIA. Mansi Tejpal. …………………………………………………………………………………………………….... Ma...

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ISSN: 2320-5407

Int. J. Adv. Res. 6(6), 705-714 Journal Homepage: -www.journalijar.com

Article DOI:10.21474/IJAR01/7265 DOI URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/IJAR01/7265

RESEARCH ARTICLE SEXUAL SLAVERY: A CASE STUDY OF JOGINIS IN SOUTH INDIA. Mansi Tejpal.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………….... Manuscript Info Abstract ……………………. ……………………………………………………………… Manuscript History Received: 12 April 2018 Final Accepted: 14 May 2018 Published: June 2018

Copyright, IJAR 2018. All rights reserved.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………….... Introduction:The practice of ritual sexual slavery through Theogamy has existed for several centuries in the ancient cultures across the world; including Africa, South Asia and even Europe, in many forms. What is astonishing though, is the continuity of this practice in certain areas, primarily the ‘Devadasi’ practice of Southern India, which successfully resisted many years of efforts of eradication. The exploitation of Devadasi women is exacerbated further as they exist at a crossroad of marginalized intersectional identities. Largely belonging to the lower castes, they have been subjected to a collective abuse in the name of tradition for centuries in the subcontinent. The notion of women as “transferable property” of men is most practically observable in this community, as the Devadasis (or Joginis: a region-specific title denoting the same subtradition) are usually dedicated without consent (mostly before a girl reaches teenage; and in some cases as the one studied here; even before birth). This idea is demonstrated unequivocally in a saying in rural India that goes as: “a Devadasi is a servant of God but a wife of the whole town.” As ‘servants of God’, these women are disowned by the entire village, and only used for the sexual gratification of all the men there, including the priests and the upper castes. Sexual abuse towards the lower caste women is one instance where the religious ideas of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ are disregarded by the society in a culturally acceptable manner.

In mainstream discourse, there is very limited scope with regard to the term ‘slavery’, which is usually referred to the transatlantic trade of chattel slavery, for instance the African and Sub-Saharan slaves transported to America in its fetal stage. The commonplace understanding of slavery is often limited to the outright buying, selling, and discriminatory treatment of subjugated people. The United Nations now identifies a broader idea of slavery in its Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, 1956 as “…any institution or practice whereby a child or a young person under the age of 18 is delivered by either or both of his natural parents or by his guardian to another person, whether for reward or not, with a view to the exploitation of the child or young person”. Joginis can be identified as sexual slaves as they have been historically subjected to Human Rights violations in the globally accepted conventions and multilateral agreements regarding Human Rights (for instance the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child). Most of Jogini women are dedicated at birth (as one of the three cases in this study), and have little say in the matter. Despite the lack of consent in dedication, they are bound in the role and ‘duties’ of a Jogini or Devadasi till as long as they can live, and the poor conditions of their lives create a vicious cycle of gross sexual, physical and mental exploitation, that sustains long after they die; most probably in unhealthy circumstances-out of disease or lack of healthcare (Bharathi Haraishankar & Priyamvada, 2016).

Corresponding Author:- Mansi Tejpal.

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They are bound by their social surroundings to embrace a life of sexual servitude, with no regard to their consent in the matter. While newfound voices against the limited scope of sexual abuse are arising in the mainstream; such as marital rape and sexual harassment in the workplace; these are overwhelmingly the voices of the ‘empowered’ women, that is- women with a formal education and jobs. Voices against institutional sexual exploitation of Jogini women are acutely absent. These women are not entitled to secure institutions of marriage and are restrained from asserting any freedom of choice or opportunity in most matters concerning their own lives, having been destined to a life of sexual servitude. Despite their “holy” status, they are accorded the lowest strata of civil society, largely owing to prevailing institutions of caste and patriarchy, and their vulnerability is least protected in every sense of the word. This is yet another contradiction witnessed between the clash of Indian cultural binds (in practice) with a parallel ostensible rejection of the same (in policy). Background:The issue does not exist in isolation and is affected by many factors that have kept it thriving for centuries now. Some studies that provide insights into this practice, assign issues such as poverty, religiosity, caste; to its sustained continuity. The Jogini becomes the ultimate victim without either a religious status as high as a Brahman priest or a socioeconomic status of an upper caste landlord. The divinity of the status of Jogini and the actuality of poverty and belongingness to the lower caste sections gives ambivalence to the institution and more specifically the woman herself. On one hand, she is worshipped like the personified Goddess on certain festivals, while on the other she serves as a sexual serf who derives sustenance out of prostitution and landless labor (Sarma, 1992). The religious sanctity ascribed to the system makes it harder to eradicate. A tradition such as Joginism, that is so deeply ingrained and practiced is difficult to preach against, especially by state agencies that automatically seem to be anti- religious in the eyes of the masses. Untouchable (or Dalit) women as ‘victims’ of interpersonal and structural violence, is a legitimate reflection of the caste dynamics (Rozario, 2000). (Misra & Rao, 2002) also observed that the religiosity existing in the society and culture of India is a factor that may be the root cause of the undiminishing numbers. One of the major reasons of the continued survival of this practice of sexual slavery is the socio-economic background dynamics that help fuel the system (Torri, 2009). Caste system is perceived as a particularly rigid and oppressive form of inequality (Chakraborthy, 2000). Caste plays a huge role in keeping the discrimination alive, as it allows for a socially acceptable channel for the practice of “cheap prostitution” in the society without having to sacrifice the honor of a “respectable upper caste” woman (Vimochana, 1985). The upper caste is also usually responsible for providing “patronage” to the vulnerable lower caste woman who has been dedicated as a Jogini (Misra & Rao, 2002), for a little amount of money and the promise to care for the existing and future family of the Jogini. This “patronage” entitles him to the woman for her ‘first night’, and for eternity or till whenever he pleases. Social stratification on the basis of caste is so intrinsic to the Hindu religion that it is the next biggest unifying factor alongside culture. It is so resistant that despite religions like Buddhism, Christianity and Islam offering redemption from the discriminatory system have been dissolved into it instead. Just like caste, religiosity has seriously impeded any efforts of the state agencies. The local police are cautious of not ‘imposing’ the ban, as the custom is largely a practice of the already marginalized Dalit sections. Many a time, it has been found that the opportunity for money and care is a propeller for poor lower caste families to dedicate their daughter for the promise of a better life for the both of them. Poverty and the want of sustenance drives the initiation process by both existing Joginis and childless couples who see Joginism as a way out of the bleak vision of old age- bereft of life security in the absence of a child, let alone a son. Jogini Practice: The Present Status:The first legislative efforts to ban this practice began during British Colonial Rule in India in the early 20 th century, but have ever since evaded the formal laws being put into practice. This is evident in the high figures that keep emerging with deeper probes into this matter.

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While it is claimed in official reports that the practice is in decline, it is impossible to deny the significantly large number of women whose lives have been already irreparably harmed and those of their families after unconsented initiation at an innocent age. The official report of Anti-Slavery International (Black, 2007) shows that figures in the states of Andhra Pradesh were 17,000 as of 2012, but the more recent reports from the NGO Ashraya, which has been working out of Hyderabad claim that the actual figures are nearly 50,000- 60,000 . The state government has been working for this cause since the prohibition of the Jogini system under the Andhra Pradesh Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act, 1988. The Act identifies all alternative forms of the Devadasi including Basavi, Parvathi, Mathamma, Thyamma and Jogini. It includes the nullification all such marital unions prior to the commencement of the Act as well those women who have consented to their dedication. The punishment involved is that all the propagators of the Devadasi system shall have to serve term of imprisonment not less than two, but up to five years and a fine not less than rupees 2000, but up to 5000 rupees (75$). This punishment has invited criticism from various sections of the society for being “corrupt and poorly enforced with little punishment for the degree of the crime in question”. The report mentions that from the preceding year of the Act coming around, 740 Joginis had been identified had been given government subsidy and financial aid amounting to which had been continued till 2007, and were later withdrawn. Revenue and Health departments had been directed to assess the matter once again thereafter by the Supreme Court. A commission had been set up for the same by the undivided Andhra Pradesh government which was led by Justice Raghunath Rao and it estimated that the cumulative numbers of Joginis in the present-day bifurcated states of Andhra and Telangana were around 80,000. However, the prohibition act and the fear of punishment prevent an accurate estimation of present day dedications and any new initiations. The Present Study:Against this backdrop, an attempt has been made to understand this tradition using case study approach, in contemporary times through the lens of the lives of three remaining Joginis in a village in Mahbubnagar, Telangana, in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh. The village was home to three practicing Joginis; the only remaining Joginis in the district, and according to local knowledge, in the nearby districts as well. The study was intended to understand the existence and continuity of Joginism amidst an observed decline in the process of dedications. The central vantage of the study was to carve a niche within the limited discourse on Joginism by collating the voices of its primary stakeholders- the Joginis themselves. The following sections discuss the methodology adopted in the course of the study, its limitations, discussion of key findings, recommendations, and a succinct conclusion, in a cohesive manner.

Methodology:With only three practicing Joginis or ritual slaves in Kosgi Mandal (cluster of villages) of Mahbubnagar in Telangana, Southern India, all the three initiated women were considered, as their participation was deemed instrumental to the study. The data collection involved informal interactions, which were carried out using semi structured interview schedules and focus group discussion templates, supplemented by observations through frequent visits into the interiors of the State of Telangana. Due to the stigma surrounding caste, sexuality, and prostitution, it was tough to approach them initially, however, informal interactions facilitated the process of rapport building. After spending days together with people in that area, the three Jogini women and other related village residents (a total of twelve respondents which included the Joginis, their relatives, fellow village residents- belonging to both lower an upper castes), gradually opened up and shared deeply personal experiences, often hesitantly. Since the respondents were solely comfortable in conversing in the native language Telugu, help from local residents; especially from the correspondents at a local NGO; was sought for translation of the responses. The field notes were transcribed and analysed using color-coded categories. On account of research ethics and the promise of confidentiality, the identities of the Jogins and other specific details have been concealed. All the recorded responses are subjective and have been assumed to be true and accurate. The qualitative data gathered through the interactions and observations was systematically recorded in the field notes, and triangulated to draw findings and conclusion which may be seen in the light of the limitations given below.

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Limitations of the study:Of the three cases, one of the Joginis travelled frequently to the metropolitan Mumbai city for work and thus was inaccessible for a substantial duration of the study. The other two participated fully for the entire period of the study. Other than this, due to the social stigmas associated with the institution of Theogamy and ritual slavery, the hesitation on the part of respondents may have prevented them from sharing intimate details of their experiences of sexual exploitation. While there could be some loss of data in translation, due to the language gap, however, the verbatim translation is the closest to the implied and explicitly stated words of the respondents. The study; being limited in sample size and geographical expanse; poses the problem of generalization, however, the in-depth qualitative data derived from three cases does give useful insights for the issues prevalent in the area. Some findings are given in the subsequent sections.

Discussion, Findings and Conclusion:Some commonalities emerge across the three cases. All three women were initiated at a young age, without their consent and in the presence of the entire community. None of the women were married, except for their theogamous status as Joginis (as noted in their official documents, such as Aadhar cards). These three women are the only remaining Joginis in the Kosgi Mandal of Mahbubnagar, and the district boasts no new initiations in the last few decades. The details of each of the three cases are as under. Observations and Discussion:Discussion:Case I:The first Jogini (name concealed), married to the God Narasimhaswamy (the local deity of the village) was initiated at a very young age.

Jogini 1 Naku saringo gurtu ledy, kani chino vayasulone pendli ayipoyendi. (I don’t remember the age, but I was very young). She could not confirm the age of her initiation, but her parents informed that it was either 6 or 7. Her voter ID card revealed her age to be 27, as of the duration of the study. She said that she was dedicated by the mandate of her parents and the village elders, who cited medical reasons as the cause of initiation. No chinnapudu kidney stone operation chesaru. Operation taruata doctor chepparu pillalu puttary ani. Pillalu puttani manishini evaru pelli cheskuntaru? Ganduke nannu durunikichi pelli chesaru. (When I was young, I had an operation for a kidney stone. The doctor told us that I could not bear children after that. Who would marry a girl who couldn’t continue the family? So it was decided that I would be married to God and serve the Temple instead.) The doctor informed her family that the appendectomy had inadvertently caused her to become infertile, which was then made her “unfit” for marriage. She had been engaged in her role as a Jogini since her dedication, sometimes without consent as well. Upon being asked about the “work” (ranging from temple logistics to prostitution) in the temple she said that there was not much work except during the festivals wherein she was an instrumental part of the rituals, and during some festivals even worshipped alongside the local deity she was married to. 708

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Father of a Jogini 1 Ledu, anto go em pani undaduPandagalu waste jogin kanali. (No, there isn’t much work, but Joginis are required during festival time) She informed that she had a sister and brother as well. The brother lived in the city. Both her siblings were married and supported their maternal family when it was monetarily convenient for them. Thus, the responsibility of sponsoring the care and expenditure for her ageing parents was upon her. The parents too affirmed that their other children were married and were primarily dedicated to the families that they had married into. They even said that despite spending beyond their means on their only son’s education in a college in the metropolitan city of Hyderabad, the son had unofficially disowned them, and refused to send money or visit them, even when he was in the village. The father shared that he was a low caste landless laborer with a meager income, sourced solely from his old age pension, that he and his wife received from the government. As the amount was not enough, they were largely dependent on their daughter’s livelihood as a Jogini for their sustenance. She (Jogini I) mentioned that her income was not sufficient to support herself and her family. She exclaimed, “due to inadequate work responsibilities within the temple premises, I do Jogini work (prostitution) outside the temple. I accept whatever amount is offered.” While she never used the word ‘rape’, she did discuss how she had to comply with the wishes of the man who sought her for sexual services without resistance, due to her dire need for money. However, it wasn’t just her poverty-stricken state, which compelled her to continue, she was obligated to participate in temple duties on account of her theogamous status, which was where her primary Jogini duties lay as of today. Regarding any alternative means of sustenance she said that she could only be seasonally employed as a casual agricultural laborer as she did not own any land. She shared that work was scarce since the village had been experiencing chronic drought, she had to find other means of employment. Polam yemaino undo? (Do you own any land?) Jogini 1 :Ledu. (I don’t have any land.) Pani ki potara? (Do you work?) Jogini 1: Labour pani ki potaanu. Karuvru vachinanko pani ledu. (Yes, I work in the field as a labourer, but due to the drought here, there is no work right now.) During focus group discussion, some community members informed that the role of Joginis had changed over last few decades. The older inhabitants seemed to agree that there were more number of Joginis a few decades ago and their presence in the village was normal and essential, unlike contemporary times, as no initiations had happened since over forty years ago in the village. Upon being probed about her views on Jogini work, she disapproved of it strongly and stated that she still seeks better means of livelihood.

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Jogini 2 Ledu, chadurekodame manchidi, kavalani enduku jogini aitamu. Gourauam ledu, dabbu ledu. Kani ide mo batuku. (No. It’s better to study and do something else. Nobody would want this life- no respect and no money- but this has been my life. I have accepted it now.) She vowed to ensure that her children (born out of legal wedlock with no paternal involvement in their care) would be educated so that they would never be forced into this institution. She has admitted to accepting the reality of her life ...