THE Drain Theory AND Colonial Imperialism PDF

Title THE Drain Theory AND Colonial Imperialism
Course Modern Indian History
Institution Aligarh Muslim University
Pages 6
File Size 83.8 KB
File Type PDF
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Summary

THE DRAIN THEORY AND COLONIAL IMPERIALISMINTRODUCTIONIn this unit, we'll look at the financial aspects of the Colonial economy, as well as Naoroji's famous "Drain Theory." The ideology of economic dominance and exploitation was at the heart of colonial imperialism. The exploitation of resources then...


Description

THE DRAIN THEORY AND COLONIAL IMPERIALISM INTRODUCTION

In this unit, we'll look at the financial aspects of the Colonial economy, as well as Naoroji's famous "Drain Theory." The ideology of economic dominance and exploitation was at the heart of colonial imperialism. The exploitation of resources then took the form of a continuous flow of wealth from India to England, for which India received insufficient economic, commercial, or material returns. In the long run, this made it easier for early nationalists, particularly moderate leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji and R.C Dutt, to formulate an economic critique of colonialism. The drain theory was at the centre of the nationalist critique of colonialism. The drain theory was based on the idea that a large portion of India's capital and wealth was being transferred or 'drained' to Britain in the form of salaries and pensions paid to British civil and military officials working in India, interest on loans taken out by the Indian government, profits made by British capitalists in India, and Home Charges, or expenses incurred by the Indian government in the United Kingdom. According to early nationalists, the drain of wealth from India not only took the form of an excess of exports over imports, but was also the root cause of India's poverty and economic backwardness. India was also deprived of the productive capital that its agriculture and industries required as a result of the drain.

PATTERNS OF TRADE

While discussing the pattern of trade in relation to colonial imperialism, it is important to note that India's economy became complementary to Britain's after the British implemented new fiscal policies. The value and volume of Indian exports and imports increased between 1814 and 1858, but the commodity composition and trade direction changed at the same time. This shift was due to India's balance of payments, as well as Britain's ascension as the world's leading industrial nation and dominant centre of international trade and finance. In colonial India, certain changes in the pattern of

foreign trade were also noticeable. Growing trade dependence in the nineteenth century, specialisation in agricultural export, gradual shift away from agriculture as industrialization progressed, and the initial Britain-centered trade tilted towards East Asia in the interwar period were all examples of these factors. Textiles, raw silk, cotton, opium, and other items dominated Indian exports in 1814. Britain and China were India's most important trading partners, followed by France, the United States, Burma, and Indonesia. For a variety of reasons, India's foreign trade increased rapidly between 1858 and 1893. To begin with, improvements in transportation and communications, such as the construction of railways and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, made it easier to transport goods quickly and cut the distance between India and Europe. Second, free trade resulted in the elimination of all types of tariff and non-tariff barriers to imports, allowing foreign goods to enter India. Third, Britain's surplus capital exports to India increased as a result of investments in tea, jute, coal, and mining, among other things. However, due to natural calamities such as famines, plagues, and other natural disasters, India's foreign trade stagnated from 1894 to 1900. Furthermore, the reintroduction of import tariffs had an impact on imports, and the outbreak of war between China and Japan had an impact on India's exports to China. Foodgrains, jute, oilseeds, and cotton textiles dominated India's export trade in the second half of the nineteenth century. Foodgrain and agricultural raw material exports increased as peasants' demands for cash to pay rents and purchase manufactured goods for daily use grew. While trade dependence on the Chinese and British markets was high at first, it began to decline in the prewar period. During the interwar period, Britain's share of India's foreign trade declined, while Japan, the United States, Germany, and Italy increased theirs. In India's trade partners, the interwar period was characterised by diversification.

• Finances of the State

In terms of public finance, there were two types of government spending in British India: domestic and foreign. Pensions paid in sterling to retired employees and interest

on public debt raised in London were two examples of government spending abroad. The government paid for its expenses in three ways: To begin with, it was done with current revenue, with taxes increasing by 70 to 80 percent of current revenues. Borrowings from abroad came in second, followed by borrowings from within the country. Not only in London, but also in India, the colonial government borrowed heavily to fund its expenditures. Borrowings reached their apex during the World Wars. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, London borrowings were used to fund wars and railway construction. Military compulsions, on the other hand, were weaker by 1900-1913, and railway investment was on the decline. The ability to invest was determined not only by administrative costs, but also by the ability to borrow money from abroad.

• Investing and Savings

Sustained economic growth necessitated a sufficiently high proportion of national income spent on investment. The monetary value of goods and services produced over a period of time is measured by national income. Domestic savings in bank deposits and securities, as well as foreign investment inflows, were used to fund investments. However, deposits and securities were not the only assets in which Indians put their money. Precious metals accounted for a sizable portion of the savings. Furthermore, a smaller portion of savings was spent on foreign investments and government bond purchases in India. The percentage of investment in machinery, the percentage of investment in agriculture, and the government's share of total investment were all low. A special mention should be made of the percentage of income spent on gold and silver purchases. Indians bought gold and silver in large quantities during a good agricultural year. Exceptions were visible during the Great Depression and the two World Wars, however. Gold imports were legally restricted during the wars. Simultaneously, climatic risks and price fluctuations had an impact on expected incomes from investment projects, reducing the demand for productive investment in the long run.

All other forms of saving consisted primarily of loans to potential investors. Those who bought metals, on the other hand, had a tendency to hoard it, and when metals were mortgaged against loans, new investment was not generated. A smaller percentage of financial savings was kept in the form of notes and coins. Investment rates in agriculture, on the other hand, were low, indicating economic stagnation as well as stagnation in average living standards. The agrarian sector's inadequacy of investment was caused by a lack of financial savings. The vast majority of financial savings were invested outside of agriculture, with only about 8% of rural income set aside for capital accumulation within agriculture. Approximately a quarter of this sum was spent on gold and silver ornaments. Huge quantities of gold and silver were imported into India during any normal harvest year, and then converted into jewellery. As a result, gold and silver were a deterrent to rural investment. The structure of rural credit and capital markets had something to do with the decline in agricultural investment. The moneylender was an exploitative agent, and the credit market's potential surplus was diverted to other uses rather than improving crop yield. Due to increased world market risks, a shift in cropping patterns from food to cash crops, and consequent exposure to famines, peasants became trapped in a debt trap in the long run.

BALANCE OF PAYMENTS

An examination of the nineteenth-century pattern of receipts and payments reveals that the balance of trade was almost always positive, whereas remittances and precious metal transactions were almost always negative. Furthermore, the share of private remittance and gold purchase in total payments was lower, while the share of government remittance was higher. India has received a variety of capital flows, both short and long term. Short-term flows were primarily used to meet seasonal trade demands. Bills were sold in London that could be redeemed in India to cover export transactions during the harvest seasons. In India, interest rates varied widely, and high interest rates prevailed during the harvest season, which influenced short-term capital flows. Net private foreign

investment and net increase in public debt were the two types of long-term capital flow. The weakest link in the balance of payments sector remained private foreign investment. While railways dominated private investment in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, this trend began to shift towards the end of the century. This was largely due to the establishment of tea, jute, and mining businesses. Furthermore, foreign investments were initially made in the form of shares sold in London by Indian companies. During the interwar period, investments were made in the form of direct investments in foreign firms' subsidiaries. Foreign capital was owned by 77 percent of British companies. Remittances from the government to other countries were a significant part of the balance of payments. Every year, a large sum of money known as 'home charges' was paid to Britain in sterling. These were primarily in the form of payments for army maintenance, pension payments for officials, and so on. These payments severely harmed the domestic economy's ability to generate savings and investment. The payments also jeopardised the government's ability to pursue a stabilisation policy separate from British economic interests. India's export surplus and the government's ability to raise sterling loans in London kept the budget and the balance of payments linked. These two worked together to fund government remittances to other countries as well as a portion of their investment. However, during the interwar period, this system fell apart. In the long run, the balance of payments had a negative impact on the Indian economy. • Charges at Home

The home charges, which hampered the development of the Indian economy, accounted for a significant portion of the wealth drain. As previously mentioned, the balance of payments in relation to government remittances abroad included a sizable payment. The Secretary of State's expenses in England on behalf of India are referred to as "home charges." The main components of the Home charges were interest on public debt raised abroad for the purposes of railway construction, irrigation facilities, and public works. Civil and military charges made up a sizable portion of the domestic charges. These included payments for British officers' pensions in India's civil and

military departments, expenses for the India Office's London establishment, and payments to the British war office, among other things. Other significant categories of home charges included interest on foreign capital investments, as well as foreign banking, insurance, and shipping companies. The nature of foreign capital investments and the interest earned on them did not help India's industrial development; on the contrary, it led to foreign capitalists exploiting Indian resources, which hampered indigenous capitalist enterprises. India had to make large payments for banking, insurance, and shipping services, which drained the Indian economy and stifled the growth of Indian enterprises in these sectors. This had a significant impact on India's income generation and employment opportunities. LET US SUM UP

We learned the following after completing this unit: • the definition of drain theory and its proponents. • the wealth drain in relation to trade, savings, and investment patterns, as well as public finance. • the nature of the balance of payments and the home charges, which accounted for a large portion of the wealth exodus from India....


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