Chapter 6 “DatDas: The databank of Danube signs, inscriptions, and inscribed artifacts” from the book Neo-Eneolithic Literacy in Southeastern Europe PDF

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6 DATDAS: THE DATABANK OF DANUBE SIGNS, INSCRIPTIONS, AND INSCRIBED ARTIFACTS A key passage towards a new inventory of the signs of the Neolithic and Copper Age script that developed in Southeastern Europe is the construction of a databank based on semiotic criteria, hinged on the main fields of the...

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6 DATDAS: THE DATABANK OF DANUBE SIGNS, INSCRIPTIONS, AND INSCRIBED ARTIFACTS A key passage towards a new inventory of the signs of the Neolithic and Copper Age script that developed in Southeastern Europe is the construction of a databank based on semiotic criteria, hinged on the main fields of the inscribed artifacts, inscriptions, and signs and recording a number of inscriptions and variables enough to guarantee a statistical interrogation. A semiotic analysis grounded on statistical patterns is indispensable since the problem of the Danube script is that it has been lost and what little remains is impenetrable to any deciphering attempt. Nothing is known, in fact, about the reference language. Furthermore, it is too ancient to hope for the fortuitous discovery of a “Rosetta Stone” that would make decipherment possible. In the absence of statistical confirmation about the repertory of signs and the organizational model on which it is based, scholarship can become mired in subjective opinions. Until now, the Lazarovici’s catalogue of signs is the only one grounded on a proper and queryable databank (Zeus). However, it deals not with the signs of writing of the Danube civilization, but with the sacred symbols (signs included). Being the signs often difficult to be detected due to abrasions, injuries of times and consumption from utilization, the achievement of a critical mass in inscriptions provides also as many series of data as possible in order to guarantee the statistic elimination of erroneous input. Concerning the input of new data, it would be ideal if the archaeologists in charge of an excavation would fill out a template connected to a dedicated database upon the discovery of any inscribed artifact. Nevertheless, this is a pure illusion. The system should consist of both a databank structure and related interface software that will make it possible to view and query archaeological and semiotic information in an integrated fashion including photographs and drawings. The ultimate goal is the creation of a sophisticated Internet-based research environment for specialists in textual and archaeological studies interested in investigating the Danube script. The databank of the inscriptions belonging to the Danube script (DatDas) is therefore based on an “identity card” of inscribed artifacts, inscriptions, and signs, i.e. a fiche comprehensive enough to store the basic data concerning an inscribed artifact, an inscription, the set of signs and, if necessary, other general or detailed data.

6.A The direct examination of the inscribed artifacts as a key requisite A key requisite of DatDas is the direct examination of the inscribed objects as much as possible. If the published inventories of Neolithic and Copper Age Danubian signs handle thousands of shards and other artifacts, unfortunately they detect signs mainly based on bad-done drawings and blurred photos available in literature and not in their original. This limitation inducted faults completing and interpreting not only the fragmentary and often poorly incised marks visible on potsherds kept in small villages museums, but also the long inscriptions on famous artifacts stored in national museums such as the Tărtăria tablets or the Gradešnica platter. E.g. Griffen recognized some signs on two spindle-whorls from Jela (Benska Bara) (Republic of Serbia) as semi-whirls with lines coming down perpendicularly (Griffen 2006), whereas Winn identified them as three lines united by a bar (Winn 2004; ibidem 2008: 139). However, both accused the other to pick out semi-whirls with lines coming up in diagonal (Griffen 2004: 15; Winn 2004). The understanding of a vertical inscription put on display by a flat Vinča C2 figurine found at Vinča-Belo Brdo (Republic of Serbia) (Vasić Handscrift 1929; 1936: 664; 666, fig. 8; Winn 1981: 290, fig. 10) is very hard because of the publication of different drawings of it and, unfortunately, I did not have the occasion to check it directly (inventory number 2445). It is interesting to pay attention to the fact that in the first and unpublished version from Vasić the inscription displays signs that are rectilinear and letter-like for shape, are distinct in number (nine), are not connected by ligatures, and are positioned in a clear linear sequence. Masson’s rendering of the layout is not very different, although she identified completely different signs. In Pesich’s interpretation the inscription become a woolgather. The dissimilar identifications of the signs on the same artifact by different authors are not completely explained by the inaccurate rendering of the incisions. It implies also the different choice among scholarship regarding the reading register. Popović stated that the figurine was held in the left hand with the head toward right and was inscribed from left to right (Popović 1965: 30 ff.), whereas according to Masson 376

the direction of reading is from left to right positioning the statuette horizontally with the head toward left (Masson 1984: 97).

A

B

C

D

Fig. 6.1 – Four versions of the same Vinča C2 figurine from Vinča-Belo Brdo (Republic of Serbia) have been published: A) Vasić Handscrift 1929 09 10 str97-5; B) Vasić 1936: 666, fig. 8; C) Masson 1984: 95, fig. 3.7; D) Pesić 2001, fig. II. Although the too different published interpretations, one can sketch some semiotic annotations. At first, all the signs have a linear and un-complex outline typical of a system of writing. Secondly, their standardized shape fits the inventory of the signs of the Danube script. A third indicator worthy to mention is the trirepetition of a Y/y motif in the same inscription, because it documents that one is dealing with settled and normalized signs and not with marks invented on the fly by the creativity of an ancient potter. The inscription is articulated in four groups of signs. According to Masson, the first is composed of two signs followed by a vertical stroke; the second is made-up of only one Y-like mark followed by a vertical stroke; the third renders the same sign; the fourth is comprised by a y-shape positioned a little apart and incised more deeply than the other signs. The figurine bears one or two marks also on the back. In conclusion, shape of the signs, their repetition, and layout of the inscription suggest that it is a “veritable text”. Completely dissimilar is the rendering of the six different signs aligned in row on a fragment of a Vinča A-B light grey cylinder from Valea Nandrului (Transylvania, Romania) between two drawings made by the discoverer Zsófia Torma. The first version is much more script-like and much less accurate (Torma 1879: 194, Pl. IV, 5a-b; Torma 1882: 14, 31, 44, Pl. IV, 7; Makkay 1984: XXV, 149.1). The second recalls a script, which has also a decorative function (Vlassa 1070: 21, fig. 19 from Torma notebook; 1976: 179; Winn 1981: 356, fig. 2; Makkay 1984: XXV, 149.2). Unfortunately, a direct check is impossible because the piece is nowadays missing. I do not exclude that it could be traced in the collection of Zsófia Torma held in the museum of 377

Aiud. It has to be noticed that in both the versions a thin vertical line is possibly signaling the start/end of the message. This is a strong indicator of the presence of a script.

A

B

Fig. 6.2 – Zsófia Torma, the discoverer of this long and complex inscription incised on a Vinča A-B rhomboidal cylinder made of trachyte from Valea Nandrului (Transylvania, Romania), published two versions of it: A) After Torma 1879: 194, Pl. IV, 5a-b; Torma 1882: 14,31,44, Pl. IV, 7; Makkay 1984: XXV, 149.1; B) After Vlassa 1070: 21, fig. 19 from Torma notebook; 1976: 179; Winn 1981: 356, fig. 2; Makkay 1984: XXV, 149.2. Eugen Comşa published two different drawings of a Boian A clay figurine from Vidra (Romania) in the same year. On the garment of the first one (Comşa 1974b: 196, fig. 74/11), there are evident sign-like marks such as an inverted T, an inverted L, two \ and a rotated S. They are allocated in a dedicated reading space, although in a block format. In the second instance, the signs are turned into a decoration based on the square pattern (Comşa 1974a: fig. 74/11). Under the right breast of a Boian female figurine (Bolintineanu phase) from Bogata (Romania), a < and a H are evident. They have a diagonal format, but are aligned in a horizontal row. Their reading space is separated by a vertical line from a decoration comprised of four Λ in sequence. The figurine belongs to the first developing stage of the settlement (Comşa 1974a: fig. 74/3). Any script-like sign disappears on the same figurine re-published by him. In parallel, the seriation of Λs is converted into a zigzag line, the long diagonal lines on the abdomen are transformed in a stroke, and the V on the leg is transmuted into a > (Comşa 1995: 96, fig. 76/4). To make things more confuse, he quoted the same source for the different renderings: Anghelescu 1955: 319, fig. 7/1.

Fig. 6.3 – Script-like signs occur on a Boian A figurine from Vidra (Romania). (Graphic elaboration by Merlini after Comşa 1974b: 196, fig. 74/11).

Fig. 6.4 – On a different drawing of the same figurine, the signs are turned into a decoration based on the square pattern. (Graphic elaboration by Merlini after Comşa 1974a: fig. 74/11). 378

Fig. 6.5 – Two scriptlike signs apper on a Boian Bolintineanu female figurine from Bogata (Romania). (Graphic elaboration by Merlini after Comşa 1974a: fig. 74/3).

Fig. 6.6 – Any script-like sign disappears on the same figurine republished by Comşa. (Graphic elaboration by Merlini after Comşa 1995: 96, fig. 76/4).

A small object of 3 cm is a pillar in the study of the script. It is a clay spheroid spindle-whorl with surface filled with incised signs that was discovered at Obreshta site (locality Chelopechene, between the villages of Jana and Kurilo, close to Sofia, Bulgaria). The artifact has a circular hole that penetrates half of the body. The surface of the whorl is covered with incised ornament (developed at the same figure). The color is pale red. Based on the study on its signs, Nedelcho Petkov was the first Bulgarian scholar to enunciate the idea of prehistoric script signs (Petkov 1926: 50, fig. 84; ibidem 1935: 415, fig 263a).1

Fig. 6.7 – The inscription on the spindle-whorl from Chelopechene - Obreshta (Bulgaria) as published by Petkov in 1926. (After Petkov 1926: 50, fig. 84).

Fig. 6.8 – The inscription on the spindle-whorl from Chelopechene - Obreshta (Bulgaria) as published by Petkov in 1935. (Adapted after Petkov 1935: 415, fig 263a).

Unfortunately for the study of such a crucial signs, he publish divergent drawing of them. In 1926, he published the spindle-whorl discussing imprints from knitting discovered between 1921 and 1922 (Petkov 1926: 50, fig. 84). The trouble with the identification of marks with semiotic value is deeper than the inconvenience of badmade drawings and photos, being cognitive. It is a process affected by a high level of subjectivity because one is induced to notice what one expects to see. Concerning the signs of the Danube script, there are two opposite cognitive attitudes that both affect the reliability of the published drawings. At one pole, some decoration-addicted scholars are not capable to perceive the presence of any sign of writing. Therefore, in making a replica of them they regularized their shapes and symmetrized their original patterns. At the opposite pole, some script-addicted scholars evidenced semiotic features typical of a system of writing such as rectilinear, standardized signs aligned in linear order also when they are actually in presence of decorative patterns or symbolic expressions.A Vinča D terracotta fragmented figurine, found at Vinča-Belo Brdo (Republic of Serbia) at the depth of 2.5 m., presents a vertical sequence of signs. Those above are quite similarly identified by the different authors as two discontinuous signs, but those at the bottom are completely different detected from Vasić version, on the left (Vasić II 1936: 95, fig. 471 a, b, c) and Masson version, on the right (Masson 1984: 95, fig. 3.5). The dissimilarity in rendering is not without consequence for the interpretation of the text. indeed the Serbian archaeologist identified the elements in shape of sketched meanders, whereas the French author recognized an inscription which is composed by two signs and is similar to the Egyptian hieroglyph that labels verbs regarding movement (a pair of legs of a marching human being) (Gardiner 1957: 457). Masson believed that this hieroglyph could have a “comparable symbolic value” in the Danube civilization (Masson 1984: 96).

1

See 3.A “Early intimations of script-like signs from Turdaş and Vinča, Troy and Knossos”. 379

Fig. 6.9 – Vasić’s rendering of a vertical inscription incised on a Vinča D figurine from Vinča-Belo Brdo (Republic of Serbia). (After Vasić II 1936: 95, fig. 471 a, b, c).

Fig. 6.10 – Masson’s interpretation of the same inscription. (After Masson 1984: 95, fig. 3.5).

At the first pole of the above mentioned schizophrenic standpoints among scholarship, some archaeologists don’t realizing that their findings might bear inscriptions - considered that the strange geometrical, abstract and linear signs inscribed on them to be only poorly done ornaments scratched by unskilled artists. Consequently, in reproducing and publishing them, they amended and rearranged theirs shape in a more fashionable way by regularizing their silhouettes or forcing the symmetry of their original patterns. The attitude to rectify supposed unskilled decorations and conclude supposed incomplete ornaments is so strong that affects not only the drawings, but also the restoration of the pieces. Eloquent is a Transdanubian vessel from Linear Pottery Culture which portrays a human figure in a “enthroned” posture (5200-4900 BC) (Kalicz 1998; M. Virág 2000). In 1992, it was found at Törökbálint-Dulácska (Pest County, Hungary) in a pit next to a dwelling. Being broken into pieces, some of them missed, the Budapest History Museum recomposed part of head and body from the fragments, and reconstructed one cheek exploiting claimed “analogies”. As shown by the original pieces of the cheek rendered on the left image behind, they are clearly bearing signs of writing such as inverted Vs, lines, F-like marks, and Xs that are aligned in a diagonal format, have a horizontal direction, and are set up within a triangular frame. On the other completely reconstructed cheek, signs and their pattern have been nonetheless regularized as geometric uncertain decorations incised by an unskilled potter (in the image on the right). Besides they have been framed within a ornamental ”M”-like line with outward pointing stems. The space below the stems of the ”Ms” has been filled by thickly zigzag bunches of lines running parallel to one another. The question if the human-enthroned-figured vessel bears an inscription or a decoration is not indifferent for its interpretation. In fact, it was originally placed in the cult corner of a domestic “sanctuary” and played an active part in the sacrificial rites of fertility and fecundity acting as containers of crop or food and drink offerings, which symbolically embodied also the outcome of the rituals (Virág 1998 on line). Indeed fragments of facial vessels, accompanied by other cultic objects, are frequently found in refuse-pits excavated near dwellings having been ritually buried. The scholarship following the point of view that the geometric design on the face is an adornment splits between decorative-decoration supporters and symbolicdecoration supporters. The first ones believe that the ”M”-like line framing the face is a ornamental element used to emphasize the shape of face and neck. The second ones think that the ”M”-like mark is a rather extremely stylized human figure which has been multiplied in order to accent the anthropomorphic characteristics more or less inherent in the form of the vessel itself with related symbolism (Virág 1998: on line; Raczky, Anders, 2003: 155183). However, being a complex inscription the message incised on the cheeks of the anthropomorphic vessel could express an articulated package of information connected to offering liturgies.

380

Fig. 6.11 – Signs of writing have been amended and adjusted in a more fashionable way a Transdanubian Linear Pottery facial vessel from Törökbálint-Dulácska (Pest County, Hungary). (Photo Merlini 2006). At the opposite pole, scholars who have the script choice in mind are inclined to point up the writing-like shape of the marks incised on the artifacts of the Danube civilization even when they are decorations or symbols. They also favor to detect the typical layout (according to our contemporary eyes) of complex writing messages even when they are actually dealing with an ornamental or symbolic design. It is the case of an anthropomorphic pot found at level C of the Gradešnica site (Bulgaria) (Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik 2004: 69, fig. 47). This early Copper Age vase with raised arms “in position of adoration” (B. Nikolov 1974: fig 78) and equilibrate proportion (it is 30 cm. high and has 30 cm. in diameter) is bearing an inscription on the upper part. Therefore, it was natural to identify signs of writing also on the body (Todorova 1986: 125, fig. 46/3), although it is very clear by the photo on the right that they are decorative elements as demonstrated by their symmetric disposition.

B

A

Fig. 6.12 – Ornaments (photo on the right courtesy of F-MUSEUM projects 2008) have been copied and published as script-like signs (drawing on the left after Todorova 1986: 125, fig. 46.3) from an anthropomorphic pot unearthed at Gradešnica (Bulgaria). The inscription published by Gimbutas regarding the signs occurring on the parallelepiped base of the Starčevo-Criş (Körös) IB/IC statuine from Ocna Sibiului (Romania) emphasized a supposed rectilinear and letter-like shape of the marks as well as their alignment along two horizontal registers (Gimbutas 1991: 313, fig. 8-9). Signs are rendered with distinct and standardized shapes misunderstanding a for a plus a ,a for a plus a , and a for a Λ plus a V. Concerning the arrangement of the signs, they are actually much more merged and less aligned than in Gimbutas’ rendering. The problematic issue does not concern simply the accurateness of the drawing, but has much more significant implications. In fact, one is dealing with the oldest known inscription of the Danube script, which was at a primitive developed stage in evolution having not well-standardized signs arranged in an uncertain sequenced organization in the space, and not with a highly developed system of writing as inferable from Gimbutas’ depiction. 381

Fig. 6.13 – The inscription from Ocna Sibiului (Romania) published by Gimbutas. (After Gimbutas 1991: 313, fig. 8-9).

Fig. 6.14 – A photo of the same part of the inscription. (Photo Merlini 2005).

Fig. 6.15 – The same section of the inscription, but with somewhat different signs as published by Iuliu. (After Iuliu on line).

A significant example of the creation of otherwise inexistent clues of writing is how K. Germann turned into “signs” some decorative elements on a female figurine copying in a wrong selective way a Sofia Torma’s drawing (Roska 1941: tab. CXXXIX). In the drawing, Germann transfigured a shadow under the face in a Vmouth, transmuted an elegant necklace into a triple chevron, metamorphosed the lower part of a symbolic meander into a diagonal line, and transformed the end of the same symbolic ornament into a chevron. The graphical illusion is evident when checking the statuette not only in front but also in side, which Germann avoided to take into account.2

Fig. 6.16 – Marks and symbolic decorations occurring on the drawing of a figurine published by Roska from Torma’s notebook (Roska 1941: tab. CXXXIX) have been transformed into “signs” by some graphical illusions made by Germann. (After Germann Manuscript Analogy 9...