Essay 1 - Effects of Kinship on the Ju\'/hoansi subsystems PDF

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Written based off of the mandatory course book (centred on the practices of the Ju'/hoansi tribe....

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Running head: THE DOBE JU/'HOANSI SUBSYSTEMS

The Effects of Kinship On The Ju/'hoansi Subsystems Alexandra Tanner Laurentian University

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The effects of kinship on the Ju/’hoansi subsystems Cultures worldwide possess multiple differences in their ways of living and this is based on the instigating factors present in each of these societies. In the case of the Ju/'hoansi, due to their small-scale society it is their kinship as the instigating factor that pervades, interacts, is influenced and in turn influences all of their other subsystems more than any other cultural factor. Thus, the interpersonal relationships among the Ju/'hoansi and their village subsystems, such as marriage, sexuality, politics, religion and exchange, are affected by their kinship system both positively and negatively. Correspondingly, the central organizing principle of the Ju is their kinship and it is of utmost importance because it provides structure and enables a harmonious and flexible social interaction from generation to generation. Consequently, in order to understand this essay, you must first understand kinship. Kinship consists of the people we are related to through blood (consanguineal) and marriage (affinal) (Haviland, 2013, p.194). Part of this structure is observable in their camps of 10-30 individuals, consisting of an ever-changing composition due to the coming and going of relatives, in-laws and friends (Lee, 2012, p.66). One constant, however, are the kinds of living groups among the Ju and they are as follows. Firstly, is a coherent internal structure consisting of economically self-sufficient individuals that hunt and gather and secondly is a structure attached to Black cattle posts in which a couple families take care of cattle (Lee, 2012, p.67). Moreover, their structure is also appointed through kin terms attributed to the individuals depending on their position in the village. They are applied to everyone whether they are related consanguineally or affinally and they carry a level of importance and authority depending on the person's position in the village. These kin terms are based on a repertoire of personal names associated with the Ju individual of whom assigns them (Lee, 2012, p.65). Furthermore, the Ju/'hoansi have three main kinship systems known as kinship I, kinship II and kinship III. Firstly, kinship I, or normal kinship, consists of the kin terms for the immediate family related to one another in an elder-younger reference, such as a mother, father, sister, uncle, etc. (Lee, 2012, p.70-72). There are important rules associated with each name and these let the individuals know whom one can and cannot joke with. For instance, a woman can joke with her sisters but must respect her brothers and a man can

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joke with his brothers but must respect his sisters, yet both sexes may joke with their grandparents and grandchildren but in turn respect their parents and children (Lee, 2012, p.73). In addition, an avoidance category is created surrounding those that the Ju cannot joke around with. Therefore, the Ju cannot marry nor talk to anyone in an avoidance category, but they may joke with that person's parents and children. However, if they do marry someone, they may not joke with their spouse’s parents and children (Lee, 2012, p.76). Kinship II entails the Ju’s personal names and the name relationships consisting of many different kin terms. These names are inherited from ancestors according to a strict set of rules as every child is named for somebody. Specifically, these rules entail that a man and a woman may never share the same name, they may never have surnames-only nicknames; they may never marry a man carrying the same name as their brother or father and vice versa; and no more than 25 men and 26 women may inherit the same name from the same place (Lee, 2012, p.77-78). In consequence, only 35 men names and 32 women names were in use in the Dobe area in 1964 (Lee, 2012, p.76). Therefore, if you share the same name as another individual you are considered related and must address the elder and younger individuals of such with a slight variation of the original name (Lee, 2012, p.77). In addition, a bond is created between the same name-bearing Ju/'hoan thus bringing together close and distant relatives and even strangers, giving them rights to call anyone with their father's name father, mother's name mother, brothers name brother and so and so forth (Lee, 2012, p.78). Kinship III or Wi is the main resolver of the contradictions between the two other kinship systems. In essence, this method of resolve stipulates that it is the elder individual that decides what two people may call each other, thus exercising a sense of authority and this is called a Wi (Lee, 2012, p.80). Wi meaning the elder chooses the names for the juniors and so forth as they grow older and become elders themselves, they gain more control over their kinship. These demonstrate that kinship carries deep cultural meaning and obligation embedded in both the economic and the ritual structures of the Ju/'hoansi. As previously mentioned marriage is one influencing factor in Ju Kinship. Marriage is the social institution under which a man and women or partners of the same gender live as husband and wife by legal commitments and establish a claim to sexual access to each other (Haviland, 2013, p.154). Marriages in the society of the Ju/'hoansi consist of many themes including arrangements between parents, the giving of gifts,

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flexible humane attitude towards sexual indiscretion as well as other influencers that all tie together and aid in the ceremony of marriage. Firstly, for daughters of the Ju/’hoansi, prohibitions are put in place by parents in order to pick a suitable man for her. Therefore, daughters have little or no say in the matter. The man is picked based on his proper kinship-name connections and his hunting skills, he also mustn't be a fighter and he must come from a hxaro practising family (Lee, 2012, p.87). Additionally, the marriage of a woman to a brother, father, son, uncle, nephew, first and second cousin and to a man carrying the same name as her brother or father is prohibited thus eliminating three-quarters of all potential spouses (Lee, 2012, p.86). This can be both good and bad due to a consequently superior diversification of the family but nonetheless eliminates potentially good spouses. Another factor in Ju/’hoan marriages is that they are usually between two individuals residing in the same village, but this is not a strict prohibition. Certain women are basically forced into marrying a man even this this causes her great displeasure and conflict, and this is called marriage by capture. In these circumstances, women are allowed to protest their displeasure if they aren't okay with the man they've been chosen to marry and will kick and scream in a fight to assert their independence. This is good because it gives the woman a chance to speak her mind and if the displeasure continues, the marriage will be called off. Unfortunately, if it isn't called off and the woman is still unpleasant, she will retaliate by being a force to be reckoned with, showing an unpleasant attitude towards her affinal and consanguineal kin and in extreme cases, she will try to commit suicide (Lee, 2012, p.90). However, when pleasing marriages take place, they can last up to 30 years, usually ending in the death of one of the spouses and not in divorce (Lee, 2012, p.90). Of note is that 10% of all Ju marriages end in divorce, but in most cases, the two remain civil toward one another and remarriage of an elder is uncommon and usually ends in them moving in with their siblings (Lee, 2012, p.90, 93). In some cases, even polygamy is practiced among the Ju/'hoan, but this is quite uncommon in consequence to the wife not allowing such decisions to be made. However, if this becomes so, the women live harmoniously with one another, caring for the child and gathering food. In fact, polygamy is quite beneficial because more can be accomplished day by day. Traditionally, no actual ceremony is held for the marriage of Ju villagers, they simply move in together thus showing their affinal bond to the others of the village (Lee, 2012, p.91). For the first 8-10 years, the groom will live with the bride's family, hunting for them in order to prove his worthiness of her (Lee, 2012, p.88). In some cases, the

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bond may be so strong that the groom takes up co-residence with the bride's family for decades, creating a large, close-knit family. The Ju use kin terms among each other to express cordiality and forge relationships. They will call someone sharing the same name as their wife, !gwah di and someone sharing the same name as their husband, !gwah ba (Lee, 2012, p.92). Marriage alliances are an important part of the system of social security making them very important to individual and group survival (Lee, 2012, p.95). The Ju rely strongly on each other every day and this explains why marital bonds hold a special importance in their society and why it is a long and sometimes strenuous journey. In other words, marriage and sexuality among the Ju are the main sources of strength and cohesion. Sexuality - a person's sexual orientation or preference and/or capacity for sexual feelings (Apple dictionary) - plays a very important role in the development of a Ju/'hoansi individual. Their introduction to sexual behaviour begins at a young age making the people comfortable with such tendencies inside their village. For example, if children are sleeping, in the same bed as their parents, their parents may have sex discretely beside them and/or the children will watch as this happens and learn from such events (Lee, 2012, p.97). On account of this learned behaviour, sexual games are played among siblings at a young age where they re-enact sex and engage in other sexual encounters. This behaviour is acceptable because it is merely seen as child's play. As explained by villagers, these games taught them how to have sex and it wasn't odd because it was merely something you did as a Ju child. Therefore, the Ju/'hoan society has no concept of virginity and many have had sex by 15 years old (Lee, 2012, p.97). Sexual relations aren't something to be ashamed of, shunned upon or hidden from anyone because it is part the normal day to day activities. Similarly, running through the village naked is also seen as normal behaviour and only regulated when they became early teens and are only then, obligated to cover their genitals (Lee, 2012, 98). Furthermore, with so little property to argue over, sexuality becomes one of the main foci of social solidarity and conflict among the Ju. Sex isn't something given up easily among newlyweds in the Ju community and in fact it is resisted, usually from a woman towards a man, often creating conflict between the couple and their respective kin. In some cases, two men will engage in a deadly fight over a woman of their choosing if they both feel a literal claim to her and this is sometimes fatal (Lee, 2012, p.94). Nonetheless, not all is negative among the

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Ju/'honasi as they are quite accepting of "unusual" behaviour. An example of this is when individuals experience homosexual relations in childhood that carry into adulthood and the villagers don’t shun them but instead they are intrigued and curious rather than hostile and embarrassment of the individuals in questions is avoided. Much of their attitude towards sexual relations are centered around mutual pleasure and equality. Accordingly, both men and women do not try to dominate one another, thus neither one is subordinate to the other. There is no wife battering, purdah or enforced chastity nor any sexual double standards which creates harmonious relationships (Lee, 2012, p.99). With such equality comes equal negative consequence and both spouses will seek lovers out of marriage and experience sexual jealousy towards each other (Lee, 2012, p.99). However, the cohesive side dominates over the conflicted side when it comes to sexuality in the Ju/'hoansi society. Politically, the people of the Dobe area have no real means of governing their land, people and personal effects and before the incorporation into the Botswana polity, the Ju people didn't have a state (Lee, 2012, p.121) This meant that there was no overriding authority to settle disputes, maintain order or keep people in line. The activities associated with the governance of a country or area, especially the debate between parties having power, is the most straightforward way to define politics (Apple dictionary). Consequently, the order among the Ju has always come from the goodwill and the kind hearts of the people and this is portrayed in the way they handle their interpersonal relationships, which aren't always easy. Firstly, land or in kin terms, n!ore, owned by groups of people called k"ausi and surrounded by a waterhole and food resources are storehouses for food (Lee, 2012, p.121). When one group runs out of resources they are subject to help from other group and in such circumstances, they need permission to camp and hunt on another's land. An example is if a Ju eats from another's storage in one season. This maintains a balance between camps and reduces conflicts over land. If one needs to hunt on another's land, in return for this kindness, they will share their kill with the landowner (Lee, 2012, p. 122). Consanguineal kinship allows every Ju to have two n!ores, one from their father and one from their mother where one is more prominently held (Lee, 2012, p.122). In marriage, spouses gain access to one another's land and in the visiting of one's children and their affinal kin, and in turn they gain many lands. Further, there is no real governor among the Ju’s only people of inherited

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patrilineal power called headmen or chiefs that are appointed the title of higher political power. Their first chief was a Tswana man that was incorporated into their community during the coming of the Botswana polity and this man proposed suggestions but never ordered anyone around (Lee, 2012, p.123-124). Secondly, Isak Utugile, the head man of !Kangwa became part of a new court called kgotla and brought in a new law called Moala. (Lee, 2012, p.130). This helped the Ju greatly because it gave them a legal safety, protection against unfair treatment and land grabs and helped resolve serious conflicts, therefore, diminishing retaliation (Lee, 2012, p.130). In having no real headman, the Ju learn to live more harmoniously. However, in the case of conflict, it is sometimes hard to resolve complications. Many settlements involve the separation of the groups during such conflict. In these circumstances, they will leave their respective water holes for days, months or even seasons and return only when they have come to their senses (Lee, 2012, p.125). This dramatically reduces the number of violent outbreaks among the villagers and is a convenient way to deal with interpersonal problems. Although fighting is rare, such incidences still occur in which fighting seems to be the only way to resolve the problem and there are three methods knonwn among the Ju. First, there is no contact fighting which involves only talking, second, a fighting method involving physical touch but no weapons and third, a fighting technique called deadly fighting involving the use of weapons (Lee, 2012, p.126). Their political conflict seldom results in bloodshed or in extreme maltreatment and they mostly live in harmony and understanding. The system that the Ju/'hoansi have developed to make sense of their world, involve forces beyond their natural order – their religion. It is a set of rituals, rationalized by myth, that mobilizes supernatural powers to achieve or prevent transformations of state in people and nature (Haviland, 2013, p.274). It involves a high god, a lesser god and a host of minor animal spirits that bring both luck and misfortune, all part of the Ju/'hoan myth origins (Lee, 2012, p.137). High god, also known as the big god or //gangwan!an!a is attributed to both good and evil, it is seen as a creator and a killer that is remote and inaccessible (Lee, 2012, p.141). Sometimes, this god is attributed to K"au, an all-powerful mythical elephant who lived in a village among many other animals and people with his wife Chu!ko (Lee, 2012, p.141). Low god, small good or //gangwaymatse is depicted as more of an evil god who wreaks havoc and is the main source of death (Lee,

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2012, p.141). Accordingly, this deity is attributed to the trickster god who is described through the mythical praying mantis, a creature worshipped by animal villagers (Lee, 2012, p.141). Finally, the //gangwasi are ghosts of ancestors past, spirits of the dead that hover over and around the village bringing serious illness and misfortune to the villagers (Lee, 2012, p.137). According to the Ju, it is not all //gangwasi that come back malevolently, but when they do, this is driven by their longing for the living and explains why they make people sick (Lee, 2012, p.142). Some villagers possess good //gangwasi and some, bad. It is not the individual that chooses the //gangwasi, they just exist with and around you and you must accept what they give you. When a villager has lived a long, healthy life and then dies peacefully, the Ju say that heaven ate them (Lee, 2012, p.141). However, when an unpleasant, early or unexpected death occurs, the Ju often this on the //gangwasi. It is very important to note that the Ju strongly believe in the supernatural powers of the giraffe dance and the drum dance. Henceforth, in the giraffe dance, villagers attending receive supernatural protection due to the healer's ability to extract sicknesses by the use of their inner n/um. They also provide dietary prescriptions and prohibitions to villagers in need (Lee, 2012, p.144). In addition, they have the ability to connect to the //gangwasi and argue with them during their rituals (Lee, 2012, p.144). In such times they may speak to them and convey their displeasure if things seem to be unpleasant among the villagers. Unlike the giraffe dance, the drum dance involves no healing. It merely forges a deeper connection between the supernatural and the individuals who practice it (Lee, 2012, p.149). Indefinitely, religion plays a major role in the day to day lives of the Ju/'hoan and is something they take very seriously due to its positive outcomes in their culture. By and large, the most effective way to maintain amicable relations between groups is through an exchange. Ultimately, the act of giving one thing and receiving another in return is essentially what exchange is about (Apple Dictionary, 2018). The Ju system of exchange is less centered on money and goods and more on the social relations among villagers and outsider's. The most common form of exchange is called hxaro and it is a mechanism for circulating goods and for keeping social relations civil. This maintains balance and reduces risk among all who participate. Hxaro does not involve an immediate exchange back and forth but assures that in the giving of a gift, the deed will soon be repaid in an equal form of gifts or aid. Hxaro is

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commonly practiced among affinal kin, through fathers and daughters, mothers and sons and so forth and is done in the hopes of reinforcing relations among couples through the circulation of gifts coming from parents (Lee, 2012, p.131). Ultimately, hxaro may be practiced among anyone and anything can be an item of this exchange, excluding only humans and food (Lee, 2012, p.133). Interestingly, hxaro is one of the main reasons behind why the Ju go visiting abroad, where they eat with their hosts and the next morning they exchange gifts in a cordial manner (Lee, 2012, p.133). This created a continual exchange amo...