G. A. Almonds Structural Functional Analysis PDF

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G. A. ALMONDS STRUCTURAL _FUNCTIONAL ANALYSISIntroduction:Gabriel Almond and James Coleman pioneered the use of structural functional theory to political science. This technique is inextricably linked to system analysis. It is concerned with the structure, process, mechanism, and function of social ...

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G. A. ALMONDS STRUCTURAL _FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS

Introduction:

Gabriel Almond and James Coleman pioneered the use of structural functional theory to political science. This technique is inextricably linked to system analysis. It is concerned with the structure, process, mechanism, and function of social reality. The concepts of structures and functions are key to this approach, which seeks to answer three fundamental questions: what fundamental functions are fulfilled in each given system? What structures are used to accomplish these operations, and under what conditions (systems) are these functions performed? The fundamental premise of this method is that all systems contain identifiable structures. Additionally, these structures provide distinct tasks throughout the system.

The Approach's Evolution:

In some ways, the approach dates all the way back to Aristotle's time, when he classified types of governance according to their structure. Montesquieu, on the other hand, gave it adequate structure in the 18th century with his doctrine of separation of powers. His analysis of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government as a function of functionalism. Msdiaon's The Federalist also made reference to this theory and recommended an upgrade by introducing the doctrine of checks and balances. However, the traditional theory of functional analysis of the government structure, which was founded on the doctrine of separation of powers, identified only three organs. Numerous new circumstances, such as the adult franchise and mass political practises groups, have resulted in the emergence of a number of new functions, such as interest articulation, interest aggregation, and communication. The traditional functional approach has been unable to account for the aforementioned new institutions and processes. This prompted contemporary political thinkers to develop a

comprehensive theory to account for the overall functions and architecture of a political system. Notable among them are G. A. Almond, Coleman, Binder, Apter, and Merton. Almond, on the other hand, popularised this analysis in the subject of comparative politics.

Prior to Almond, there were difficulties:

Almond and his friends were primarily concerned with two issues: I they desired to develop a theory explaining how political systems transition from 'traditional' to'modern'. In other words, they desired to construct a theory of political development; (ii) Almond desired to classify various political systems and locations according to the aforementioned developmental process. Concerning the first issue, there is an assumption that political change may be viewed via the lens of development. According to Almond, the process of development is logical. To the extent that it is conceivable to explain and even anticipate cycles of short- and long-range changes in the political system as teleological, Almond refuses to assert that he could foresee the process's ultimate conclusion. Development is an open-ended process for him. As a result, his approach is varied. 'Political systems are a subclass of social systems,' he asserts. His method of analysis was to first establish the function of polity in modern western systems, and then to examine how these functions, which are associated with specific political activities in Western systems, are executed in non-western locations.

Almond's Political System Opinions:

Almond defines political system as "that system of interaction found in all independent societies that fulfils the functions of integration and adaptation, both internally and internationally, through the legitimate use or threat of legitimate use of force." He asserts that the political system is the society's

legitimate, order-maintaining, or transformative system. Almond used the structural – functional approach to conduct a scientific research of the political system, which requires a quick discussion at this point in our exposition.

The Meaning of Structural Functional Analysis:

Structural – functional analysis is a systematic method that views political systems as self-contained entities that impact and are influenced by their environs. The fundamental tenet of this theory is that every system contains structures that fulfil critical roles for the system's survival. As such, this approach is centred on the duality of structures and functions. Before delving into the approach, it's worth considering the consequences of these two principles.

Structure's Significance:

Structures are what make up the political system. Almond asserts that structures possess some critical characteristics. To begin, there is the ubiquitous nature of structures. Second, whereas these structures are well distinguishable in a developed system, they are extremely difficult to differentiate in a developing system. Along with structural differentiation, functional specialisation exists. Thirdly, structure is made up of functions. Fourthly, when a collection of structures is united, a sub-system or a system emerges. Finally, political structures are frequently multifunctional.

The Meaning of the Political System's Functions and the Political System's Functions:

Functions are the byproducts of a structure's activity. According to Robert T. Holt, functions encompass only those system operations that are relevant to the system. According to Robert K. Merton, "function is observed consequences." According to Marian J. Levy, function is a state of affairs or a collection of events that occur from the operation of structures. According to Almond, every political system serves a purpose in order to exist. This function is critical to their continued operation. These functions may be carried out by various types of political entities or even by non-political structures in diverse political systems. Almond asserts that political systems may be compared in terms of the structures they sustain and the functions performed by these institutions. According to him, political systems execute two distinct types of functions: I input functions and (ii) output functions.

Functions of Input:

Input functions are also referred to as non-governmental or political functions. It is the exchanges between the natural and political contexts. Almond's primary contribution is in articulating these four distinct types of input functions. According to him, input functions are more critical for developing country political systems. According to him, these functions are universal across all political systems, even if their mode, manner, or style of operation varies. Let us conduct a brief analysis of each of these input functions.

Each political system serves as a vehicle for political socialisation. Political socialisation is the process by which individuals adopt the values, rules, and patterns of conduct associated with a particular political system. All political systems have a tendency to reproduce their cultures and structures over time, primarily through the socialisation influences of primary and secondary structure, which the society's youth travel through during the nitration process.

Thus, Almond and Verba define it as a process by which political cultures are preserved and altered. It is concerned with how humans see political objects. In other words, political socialisation is the process through which members of the system are initiated into political culture and encouraged to adopt a set of attitudes. Political socialisation is the process by which political values and standards are passed down from generation to generation. It is an endless process. The family, the church, the school, peer groups, political parties, and the mass media are all key agents of political socialisation.

Socialization can take a variety of forms. It may be hidden or evident, specific or diffuse, specific or generic, emotive or instrumental in nature. It is latent when it takes the shape of information transfer. It manifests itself through the explicit transfer of knowledge, values, and emotions in relation to the political system's roles, inputs, and outputs. It is diffuse, particularistic, and ascriptive in a traditional culture, but becomes specific, universalistic, and instrumental as the society modernises.

Political recruiting takes the place of political socialisation. It is concerned with the recruitment of citizens to the political system's specialised roles. That is, it refers to the acquisition of political leaders. It refers to the process of recruiting members of society from specific subcultures and religious communities and inducting them into specialised roles within the political system, training them in necessary skills, and providing them with a political cognitive map, values, and experiences, among other things. Both ascriptive and performance factors have an effect on the recruitment process.

Individuals and groups place demands on political decision makers through the process of interest articulation. It is the initial functional structure established throughout the political conversion process. This can be accomplished through a variety of various structures and styles. Interest articulation is critical because it denotes the dividing line between society and the political system. This approach reveals the inherent tensions in political culture and social structures. As a result, this role is inextricably linked to that of political socialisation. Interest angles - (a) the types of structures that serve as interest articulators; (b)

the range of channels through which demands are articulated; (c) interest articulation styles; and (d) the effects of modernization on articulation.

Almond encompasses a variety of interest groups, including as nonassociational interest groups, institutional interest groups, and associational interest groups, within the types of institutions that serve as interest articulation mechanisms. These groups make distinct demands on the political system for authoritative value allocation.

Channels are sometimes referred to as modes of political communication. Individuals strive to communicate their demands in the most favourable manner possible. Physical demonstrations and violence, whether spontaneous or premeditated, are the usual outlets. Second, it may be accomplished through personal relationships. Thirdly, communication can take place through elite representation, and fourthly, through formal and informal institutions such as legislatures, bureaucracies, cabinets, mass media, and political parties. On the other hand, the manner of interest expression can be classified into four categories: (1) manifest or latent, (2) specific or diffuse, (3) general or special, and (4) instrumental or affective. A manifest interest articulation is a formal expression of a set of requirements. On the other hand, a latent articulation takes the shape of behaviour that can be transferred into the political system. Certain articulations are more specific, whereas others are more diffuse in nature. The associational groups articulate on a broad scale. A particular articulation takes the shape of a transaction with predictable outcomes; an emotive articulation takes the form of a straightforward declaration of thankfulness or disappointment.

It should be emphasised that these articulation styles have ramifications. To begin, it establishes which groups in society have no influence on the decisionmaking process. Second, it determines the groupings' relative efficacy. Thirdly, it can either alleviate or exacerbate the challenge of settling intergroup conflicts.

Modernization is a process that attempts to advance humanity in all spheres of existence. It is brought about by scientific discoveries, advancements in technology, and industrialization. In general, modernization has an effect on the systems of political communication, political culture, and resource allocation. And, as these are the foundations of articulation style, articulation itself is influenced. The broad trends in modernising societies are those that are inextricably linked to the formation of "participant attitudes" in political culture. On the other hand, Labour leaders' specialities contribute to the establishment of a diverse range of social interests that can serve as the foundation for associational interest groups. The growth of mass media, a larger bureaucracy, and other political organisations creates extra channels for emergent groupings to operate. The existence of such channels serves as an incentive for group formation, as the increased flow of political information serves as an incentive for group formation.

Interest aggregation occurs as a result of the conversion of demands into broad policy possibilities. It can be accomplished through the recruitment of political roles, as well as through the legislature, executive, bureaucracy, media, interest groups, and political parties. This function is also done within each of a political system's subsystems. Interest articulation agencies are typically involved in interest aggregation. Interest aggregation styles fall into three categories: I programmatic bargaining, (ii) absolute value focused, and (iii) traditionalistic.

According to Almond, political communication is critical for boundary maintenance. A political system's survival is highly dependent on this function. It is a matter of informing the public on policies and their performance, as well as soliciting public opinion on these policies. The political system accomplishes this job via a variety of entities, including political elites, interest groups, political parties, and the mass media.

Functions of Output:

A political system's output functions are categorised into three categories: (a) Rule Application, (b) Rule Adjudication. In general, the term "rule making function" relates to the political system's legislative process. While 'rule application' refers to the executive role, 'rule adjudication' refers to the political system's judicial functions.

All of the aforementioned functions are carried out within the political system. In terms of the 'rule-making' function, the lawmaker, bureaucrats, and other legislative and administrative bodies comprise the structures necessary to carry out this role. While enacting laws, legislators consider the perspectives of both bureaucrats and committee members, as well as pressure groups. As previously stated, rule application is nothing more than the execution of rules. At this level, the issue is how to assemble resources for the successful execution of such rules and processes, as well as the transmission of information. In contemporary society, compliance with norms entails a high level of administrative ability, in which the role and relevance of bureaucracy are viewed as critical. A robust rule application system is necessary for achieving new objectives. On the other hand, rule – adjudication is inextricably linked to judicial structures. I am interested in resolving conflicting situations. It enables the resolution of internal systemic issues without increasing the pressure on legislators to enact new legislation.

It is worth noting that all of the aforementioned functions have relevance in connection to the system and its structure. These indicate a particular ordering of definite relationships through which they all contribute to the system's equilibrium. The interconnectedness of the structures and functions lends a systemic quality to the structural functional study of Almond. The system develops identical limits that govern the nature of its interactions and exchanges. It collects inputs from the environment, converts them, and then returns them as outputs. The outputs have an effect on the environment once more, resulting in a new input flow into the political system. Almond refers to this process of interaction and exchange as feed-back.

Almond appears to be more interested in the relationship between structures and functions than in the form of exchanges between the system and its surroundings. According to him, the less structural difference and role specialisation a political system has, the more traditional and underdeveloped it is. On the other hand, the higher the level, the more advanced and contemporary the system. The political system can be classified in this manner.

Almond is quite precise about situating the political system within its environment and also about detecting transactions occurring outside of the system's bounds. This not only makes his system an open system, but also one that is reliant on these transactions. It's worth noting that the people's nature. Political culture encompasses both universal attitudes, beliefs, and abilities, as well as the political system's peculiar proclivities and tendencies. Political culture shapes how people relate to and behave in their roles.

According to Almond, development is only feasible if there is a cultural secularisation movement. Secularized culture will aid differentiated structures in carrying out their functions properly. A proper classification-developmental analysis must include a discussion of culture's secularisation.

Self-Adjustment of the Approach:

Almond recognised that his concentration on equilibrium had given his model a static bias and limited its usefulness to changing systems in response to criticisms. Additionally, he recognised that his classification did not accurately reflect the direction and magnitude of developments. As a result, he adjusted his analysis in the following manner.

Initially, he classified solely Interest Articulation and Interest Aggregation as input functions of the political system, while treating communication as

autonomous or as a component of both input and output functions. It is currently regarded as a process and mechanism that connects inputs and outputs, rather than as a pure input function. Both political socialisation and recruiting are viewed as functions that contribute to the system's sustainability as an entity in its surroundings. He also included the capability function of the political system, which he regarded as critical for the system's pattern preservation and survival. As a result, he discussed the political system's four major functions.

1. Function of capability 2. Function of conversion 3. A function of communication; and 4. A function of pattern preservation and adaptation.

The capacity of a political system to persist in the face of adversity is referred to as its capability functions. Almond classifies this capability into five categories: extractive capability, regulatory capability, distributive capability, symbolic capability, and responsive capability. The extractive capability function describes a system's ability to take resources from the environment and from humans. The capacity of a system to exert control on the behaviours of individuals is referred to as its regulative capability. Distributive capability relates to the allocation of goods and services, while opportunities pertain to the instilling of a sense of love and respect for the democratic system in the minds of the populace. Finally, responsive capacity is concerned with the preservation of a link between inputs and outputs.

The political system is largely concerned with the conversion of inputs to outputs. When Eastern refers to "demands" and "supports" as two distinct categories of input. Almond identifies the inputs as 'inters articulation' and 'interest aggregation. When these inputs enter the political system via the 'feedback loop,' the political system converts them into outputs, which happen to be policy decisions, through scrutiny.

The communication function is concerned with the collection and transfer of information. No system can function properly without an effective communication mechanism. Both the inputs and outputs of the p...