Mofopo slides notes PDF

Title Mofopo slides notes
Author Tomas Nikolaj
Course Moral Foundations Of Politics
Institution Yale University
Pages 16
File Size 308.7 KB
File Type PDF
Total Downloads 40
Total Views 133

Summary

Slides notes...


Description

Moral Foundations of Politics Slides John Locke: The early enlightenment (1632-1704) The Early Enlightenment and Scientific Certainty: “Of arts, some are demonstrable, others indemonstrable; and demonstrable are those the construction of the subject whereof is in the power of the artist himself, who, in his demonstration, does no more but deduce the consequences of his own operation. The reason whereof is this, that the science of every subject is derived from a precognition of the causes, generation, and construction of the same; and consequently where the causes are known, there is place for demonstration, but not where the causes are to seek for. Geometry therefore is demonstrable, for the lines and figures from which we reason are drawn and described by ourselves; and civil philosophy is demonstrable, because we make the commonwealth ourselves. But because of natural bodies we know not the construction, but seek it from the effects, there lies no demonstration of what the causes be we seek for, but only of what they may be.” Thomas Hobbes, Six Lessons to the Professors of Mathematics (1656) The Workmanship Ideal: “The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions: for men being all the workmanship of one omnipotent, and infinitely wise maker; all the servants of one sovereign master, sent into the world by his order, and about his business; they are his property, whose workmanship they are, made to last during his, not one another's pleasure: and being furnished with like faculties, sharing all in one community of nature, there cannot be supposed any such subordination among us, that may authorize us to destroy one another, as if we were made for one another's uses, as the inferior ranks of creatures are for ours.” From Second Treatise of Government (1690) Locke and the centrality of individual rights: Sources of individual rights• Workmanship • Equality in the eyes of God. Contra Filmer • Theory of biblical hermeneutics and deep pluralism. Pluralism, toleration, and the right to resist: “The care of souls cannot belong to the civil magistrate, because his power consists only in outward force; but true and saving religion consists in the inward persuasion of the mind, without which nothing can be acceptable to God. And such is the nature of the understanding, that it cannot be compelled to the belief of anything by outward force. Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, torments, nothing of that nature can have any such efficacy as to make men change the inward judgment that they have framed of things. […] And upon this ground, I affirm that the magistrate's power extends not to the establishing of any articles of faith, or forms of worship, by the force of his laws. For laws are of no force at all without penalties, and penalties in this case are absolutely

impertinent, because they are not proper to convince the mind.” From A Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) Jeremy Bentham: Classical utilitarianism (1748-1832) The Principle of Utility: “Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do. On the one hand the standard of right and wrong, on the other the chain of causes and effects, are fastened to their throne. They govern us in all we do, in all we say, in all we think: every effort we can make to throw off our subjection, will serve but to demonstrate and confirm it. In words a man may pretend to abjure their empire: but in reality he will remain subject to it all the while. The principle of utility recognizes this subjection, and assumes it for the foundation of that system, the object of which is to rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and law. Systems which attempt to question it, deal in sounds instead of senses, in caprice instead of reason, in darkness instead of light.” An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789) Features of Classical Utilitarianism: 1. Comprehensive and deterministic 2. Naturalistic 3. Egoistic, but not subjectivist 4. Consequentialist 5. Quantifiable: Cardinal scales with interpersonal comparisons of utility The Role of Government: “A measure of government (which is but a particular kind of action, performed by a particular person or persons) may be said to be conformable to or dictated by the principle of utility when in like manner the tendency which it has to augment the happiness of the community is greater than any which it has to diminish it.” An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation Bentham’s Greatest Happiness Principle: See appendix 1 Question? Why do we need government? Answer? The disconnect between individual and social utility, or the market-failure theory of government. “The great enemies of public peace are the selfish and dissocial passions—necessary as they are... Society is held together only by the sacrifices that men can be induced to make of the gratifications they demand: to obtain these sacrifices is the great difficulty, the great task of government.” The Psychology of Economic Man Bentham’s example: Funding a war through taxes: “If, for example, the commencement or continuance of a war being the question upon the carpet, if, upon his calculation, a hundred a-year during the continuance of the war, or for

ever, will be the amount of the contribution which according to his calculation he will have to pay… if his expected profit by the war will be equal to 0, and no particular gust of passion intervene, to drive him from the pursuit of what appears to be his lasting interest upon the whole, – he will be against the war, and what influence it may happen to him to possess, will be exerted on that side.” The Psychology of Economic Man Practical and Absolute Equality: “Suppose but a commencement made, by the power of a government of any kind, in the design of establishing it [absolute equality], the effect would be—that, instead of everyone’s having an equal share in the sum of the objects of general desire—and in particular the means of subsistence, and the matter of abundance, no one would have any share of it at all. Before any division of it could be made, the whole would be destroyed: and destroyed, along with it, those by whom, as well as those for the sake of whom, the division had been ordained.” The Psychology of Economic Man Bentham, Workmanship, and Individual Liberty: “Law does not say to man, Work and I will reward you but it says: Labor, and by stopping the hand that would take them from you, I will ensure to you the fruits of your labor—its natural and sufficient reward, which without me you cannot preserve. If industry creates, it is law which preserves; if at the first moment we owe everything to labor, at the second, and every succeeding moment, we owe everything to law.” From Principles of the Civil Code (1843) Vincent Pareto and John Stuart Mill: Foundations of Neoclassical Utilitarianism Synthesizing Rights and Utility: John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) Mill’s Harm Principle: “The object of this essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal penalties or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection. That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise or even right. ” “These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reasoning with him, or persuading him, or entreating him, but not for compelling him or visiting him with any evil in case he do otherwise. To justify that, the conduct from which it is desired to deter him must be calculated to produce evil to someone else. The only part of the conduct of anyone for which he is amenable to society is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over his own body and mind, the individual is sovereign.”

The Primacy of Individual Liberty: “‘I claim, as a citizen, a right to legislate whenever my social rights are invaded by the social act of another.’” And now for the definition of these “social rights.” ‘If anything invades my social rights, certainly the traffic in strong drink does. It destroys my primary right of security, by constantly creating and stimulating social disorder. It invades my right of equality, by deriving a profit from the creation of a misery I am taxed to support. It impedes my right to free moral and intellectual development, by surrounding my path with dangers, and by weakening and demoralizing society, from which I have a right to claim mutual aid and intercourse. . . .’ “. . . . So monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any single interference with liberty; there is no violation of liberty which it would not justify; it acknowledges no right to any freedom whatever, except perhaps to that of holding opinions in secret, without ever disclosing them: for, the moment an opinion which I consider noxious passes any one's lips, it invades all the "social rights" attributed to me.... The doctrine ascribes to all mankind a vested interest in each other's moral, intellectual, and even physical perfection, to be defined by each claimant according to his own standard.” The Rights-Utility Synthesis: Freedom-> truth-> utility Mill and Freedom of Speech “First, if any opinion is compelled to silence, that opinion may, for aught we can certainly know, be true. To deny this is to assume our own infallibility. “Secondly, though the silenced opinion be an error, it may, and very commonly does, contain a portion of truth; and since the general or prevailing opinion on any subject is rarely or never the whole truth, it is only by the collision of adverse opinions that the remainder of the truth has any chance of being supplied.” “Thirdly, even if the received opinion be not only true, but the whole truth; unless it is suffered to be, and actually is, vigorously and earnestly contested, it will, by most of those who receive it, be held in the manner of a prejudice, with little comprehension or feeling of its rational grounds. And not only this, but, fourthly, the meaning of the doctrine itself will be in danger of being lost, or enfeebled, and deprived of its vital effect on the character and conduct: the dogma becoming a mere formal profession, inefficacious for good, but cumbering the ground, and preventing the growth of any real and heartfelt conviction, from reason or personal experience.” Problems with Defining Harm: “In many cases, an individual, in pursuing a legitimate object, necessarily and therefore legitimately causes pain or loss to others, or intercepts a good which they had a reasonable hope of obtaining. Such oppositions of interest between individuals often arise from bad social institutions, but are unavoidable while those institutions last; and some would be unavoidable under any institutions. Whoever succeeds in an overcrowded profession, or in a competitive examination; whoever is preferred to another in any contest for an object which both desire, reaps benefit from the loss of others, from their wasted exertion and their disappointment. But it is, by common admission, better for the general interest of mankind, that persons should pursue their objects undeterred by this

sort of consequences. In other words, society admits no right, either legal or moral, in the disappointed competitors, to immunity from this kind of suffering; and feels called on to interfere, only when means of success have been employed which it is contrary to the general interest to permit, namely, fraud or treachery, and force.” “Again, trade is a social act. Whoever undertakes to sell any description of goods to the public, does what affects the interest of other persons, and of society in general; and thus his conduct, in principle, comes within the jurisdiction of society: accordingly, it was once held to be the duty of governments, in all cases which were considered of importance, to fix prices, and regulate the processes of manufacture. But it is now recognized, though not till after a long struggle, that both the cheapness and the good quality of commodities are most effectually provided for by leaving the producers and sellers perfectly free, under the sole check of equal freedom to the buyers for supplying themselves elsewhere. This is the so-called doctrine of Free Trade, which rests on grounds different from, though equally solid with, the principle of individual liberty asserted in this Essay.” Mill’s Harm Principle: “The object of this essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal penalties or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection. That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise or even right. ” Is the Harm Principle inherently conservative? “An opinion that corn-dealers are starvers of the poor, or that private property is robbery, ought to be unmolested when simply circulated through the press, but may justly incur punishment when delivered orally to an excited mob assembled before the house of a corn-dealer, or when handed about among the same mob in the form of a placard. Acts of whatever kind, which, without justifiable cause, do harm to others, may be, and in the more important cases absolutely require to be, controlled by the unfavorable sentiments, and, when needful, by the active interference of mankind. The liberty of the individual must be thus far limited; he must not make himself a nuisance to other people. But if he refrains from molesting others in what concerns them, and merely acts according to his own inclination and judgment in things which concern himself, the same reasons which show that opinion should be free, prove also that he should be allowed, without molestation, to carry his opinions into practice at his own cost.” Ambiguity in the Harm Principle: “These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reasoning with him, or persuading him, or entreating him, but not for compelling him or visiting him with any

evil in case he do otherwise. To justify that, the conduct from which it is desired to deter him must be calculated to produce evil to someone else. The only part of the conduct of anyone for which he is amenable to society is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over his own body and mind, the individual is sovereign.” Karl Marx (1818-83): Lecture I: The Marxian challenge and the project of classical political economy Core ideas: • The German Marx and the English Marx • Early utopian politics; subsequent disillusionment • Base and superstructure; the materialist conception of history • Conceptual tools of classical political economy: – Natural versus market wages, prices, rents, and profits – Use-value and exchange-value (Value) The basic problem of classical political economy: How is profit possible? According to Marx: “The transformation of money into capital has to be developed on the basis of the immanent laws of the exchange of commodities, in such a way that the starting point is the exchange of equivalents. The money-owner, who is as yet only the capitalist in larval form, must buy his commodities at their value, sell them at their value, and yet at the end of the process withdraw more value from circulation than he threw into it at the beginning. Its emergence as a butterfly must, and yet must not, take place in the sphere of circulation. These are the conditions of the problem.” Lecture II: The Labor Theory of Value; Exploitation, and Injustice Freedom: The Absence of Alienation: “... [t]he division of labor offers us the first example, as long as man remains in natural society, that is, as long as a cleavage exists between the particular and the common interest, as long, therefore, as activity is not voluntarily, not naturally, divided, man’s own deed becomes an alien power opposed to him, which enslaves him instead of being controlled by him. For as soon as the division of labor comes into being, each man has a particular, exclusive, sphere of activity, which is forced upon him and which he cannot escape. He is a hunter, a fisherman, a shepherd, or a critical critic, and he must remain so if he does not want to lose his means of livelihood; while in a communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, and criticize after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, shepherd or critic” The German Ideology (1845) The Labor Theory of Value: The exchange value of any commodity is determined by the amount of socially necessary labor time [SNLT] for its production. SNLT is defined as “The labor-time required to

produce any use-value under the conditions of production normal for a given society and with the average degree of skill and intensity of the labor prevalent in the society.” The Labor Theory of Surplus Value: Living human labor-power is the only source of new exchange-value Labor-power is a commodity like any other. Its exchange value is determined by the SNLT needed to produce it. Labor-power has one unique property: Its consumption as a use value leads to the creation of fresh exchange. Constant and variable capital C=c+v Relative & Absolute Surplus Value & Rate of Exploitation: Rate of surplus value=surplus value/variable capital=surplus labor time/necessary labor time=rate of exploitation Exploitation, Immiseration, and Militancy: Socialism: A Society Based on Genuine Workmanship “What we have to deal with here is a communist society, not as it has developed on its own foundations, but, on the contrary, just as it emerges from capitalist society; which is thus in every respect, economically, morally, and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it emerges. Accordingly, the individual producer receives back from society—after the deductions have been made—exactly what he gives to it…. He receives a certificate from society that he has furnished suchand-such an amount of labor (after deducting his labor for the common funds); and with this certificate, he draws from the social stock of means of consumption as much as the same amount of labor cost. Hence, equal right here is still in principle—bourgeois right, although principle and practice are no longer at loggerheads, while the exchange of equivalents in commodity exchange exists only on the average and not in the individual case. In spite of this advance, this equal right is still constantly stigmatized by a bourgeois limitation. The right of the produ...


Similar Free PDFs