Nawabi RULE IN Awadh – 1722 – 54 PDF

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Summary

In 1722, Burhan-ul-mulk, the new subedar of Awadh, began his new duties. Changes in the administrations of Jagir, Faujdari, and Ijara were initiated by him and later by Safdarjung, which had a tremendous impact on the province's relations with various social groups (madad-i-mash holders, Afghan and ...

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NAWABI RULE IN AWADH – 1722 – 54 In 1722, Burhan-ul-mulk, the new subedar of Awadh, began his new duties. Changes in the administrations of Jagir, Faujdari, and Ijara were initiated by him and later by Safdarjung, which had a tremendous impact on the province's relations with various social groups (madad-i-mash holders, Afghan and Hindu zamindars, Sheikhzadas etc.) in the province. It was not only imperial authorities who were being exploited by jagirdars and ijaradars, but it was also their own people who were being exploited.

Jagir Administration They were the local officials who served as the Imperial government's representatives in the provinces, and they were known as amils. Jagirdar agents, they played an important role in the running of the jagir. With the help of amils, the jagirdars were able to limit the power of the subedars. The amils in Awadh were often of local origin, and they were able to remain in the region even after the jagirdar was transferred. Over the course of this time, they were reclassified as revenue farmers and required to pay a portion of their revenue to the jagirdar in advance. the local landowners and amils would not be pleased with the reforms Burhan-ul-mulk was trying to implement in the system of jagirs he was running in Awadh (this implied fresh assessment of revenue). Because of this, he decided to put the amils directly under his control and set aside a portion of his income from the jagir to pay for their services. Jagirdar power was reduced and crushed by this measure. Those previously appointed by the emperor have now been directly appointed by the governor, rather than the emperor himself. Instead of the jagirdar, the local hereditary officials (such as the chaudharis and qanungoes) were now answerable to the amil. The governor seized control of the jagirdar's authority. After collecting revenue and peshkash from their jagirdars, amils were tasked with disbursing that money as well as keeping a portion of it for themselves. Small jagirdars who adopted ijaradari to ensure proper revenue collection welcomed these new measures, but the larger jagirdars viewed them as a threat to their authority. An important goal of Burhan's rule was

to reduce the influence of jagirdars and other officials stationed outside the province. Despite Burhan-ul-efforts mulk's to abolish the jagir system, he failed. The jagir system was riddled with inconsistencies (unlawful levies, revenue farming etc.). Safdarjung, his successor, was able to reduce the number of jagirs to some extent. In order to ensure the smooth flow of revenue, Burhan-ul-efforts mulk's necessitated the imposition of a cess (through jagirdars and amils). His position was thus strengthened and this gave him the confidence to try to break away from the central government and demolish the classical jagir system, which was the bedrock of Mughal power. Faujdari Administration Awadh had eight faujdaris at the start of the 18th century. As early as 1722, the faujdaris were under the control of the governor. The governor appointed and removed the faujdars at his or her discretion. In the sarkar and chakla, the faujdar served as the subedar's right-hand man. When it comes to the Faujdari, however, things had changed. It covered both the financial and legal aspects of a transaction. As time went on, the faujdar was referred to as nazim or naib. During some periods, Faujdar's office and that of a local official (qanungos) were merged. This position was sometimes offered on an ijara basis as well (contract). Thus, the traditional Mughal faujdar (responsible for maintaining law and order) was transformed into nizamat and niyabat at the sarkar level. Role of Zamindars Since the Baiswara zamindars were refusing to pay their taxes to the government, Burhan-ul-mulk sought to bring them under his scrutiny. After doing so, he increased the amount of revenue he demanded from them. At the expense of the peasants and the central government, the zamindars reaped the benefits of Awadh's economic prosperity during this time period. He also made an effort to win over potential allies like zamindars by offering them faujdari rights and additional lands. Chaundharis and Qanungos, who were not Rajputs, were also used to counter the Rajputs. Burhan-ul-concessions mulk's to Awadh's powerful zamindars were instrumental in his rise to power. Mansabs were also held by zamindars in

Awadh's smaller towns. These zamindars in the middle could not, however, rise to the position of raja or chief.

Safdarjung signed a new contract with some of the older, more powerful zamindars. In some cases, the zamindar was obligated to pay a sum of money from the territory he had leased out to the zamindar. Local officials were sometimes given this contract as well. The agreement stipulated responsibilities for law enforcement and military personnel in the event of a conflict. Since the diwan's office and the administration of jagirs were placed under his direct control, the governor's authority had grown significantly. The governor of Awadh administered the province in a leasedout manner, leasing out the administrative responsibilities and benefits to zamindars and other officials. As long as he made regular payments to the centre, the governor was free to run the province as he saw fit. Provincial contract law suggests a well-functioning monetary system was in place because of the system's use. Some of the ijaradars may have been money lenders (mahajans) and merchants, according to the evidence. It appears that ijara's duration and, more specifically, the amount due, were both subject to change. These ijaras have also been referred to as nizamat and hukumat, respectively.

It's important to understand the role of the Madad-i-mash Holders. A major goal of Burhan-ul-policy mulk's was to improve the province's administration. In order to implement this policy, he tried to reinstate the grants of madad-i-mash holders and bring them under the jurisdiction of taxation. His strict enforcement of revenue collection policies resulted in a significant increase in revenue. There were zamindaris owned by the madad-i-mash holders as well Peasants and Shaikhzadas (Indian Muslim nobles in imperial service) were mobilised to oppose the governor's new measures. Diplomacy or force were both used by the governor of Awadh to try to subdue the zamindars. Madad-i-mash grantees were left undisturbed and their grants confirmed by 1730, when this mission was largely accomplished. As a result of this, the madad-i-mash grants were no longer considered loans but were instead classified as zamindari and milkiyat

because they had been subjected to a more lenient assessment than previously.

Due to the fact that they were converted from grants with no revenue to grants with a very small levy, these grants took on the characteristics of zamindari. The zamindars resented the madad-i-mash holders' privileges. The zamindars welcomed the introduction of levies on madad-i-mash. With the grants now being treated like zamindaris, the grantees of the madad-imash could also be appeased. Other Local Groups It was during the reign of Burhan-ul-mulk that the Shaikhzadas (Indian Muslims) were incorporated into the provincial administration (including the army) in Awadh. Awadhi communities in imperial service moved from central administration to provincial administration as central power weakened and advancement opportunities at the centre were few. The administration of Burhan-ul-mulk also included Hindus. Awadh's Hindu kings received mansabs and were elevated to positions of authority at the local and provincial levels (qanungos, chaudharis, faujdar and diwan).

Features of Nawabi Rule Subedar of Awadh appears to have relied on traditional Mughal administrative practises. Changes were made, particularly in the administration of the jagir. This meant that the central agents stationed in the jagirs were directly accountable to the governor. He was able to reduce the number of jagirs assigned to jagirdars significantly. Faujdari as a whole also underwent a period of transformation. By this time, faujdar's jurisdiction had been confined to the pargana level, and the nazims or naibs had emerged as an alternative source of authority, controlling the fiscal and military administration in the sarkars and chaklas. The demise of faujdari must be viewed in light of the rise of ijaradari in its place (which combined fiscal and administrative authority). The strategy of rewarding large and established zamindars with favours was a profitable one. By agreeing to pay

an annual fee to powerful zamindars, the subedars took on administrative and military duties as well as financial responsibility. In the 18th century, this policy gave rise to the talukdaris. An important factor in local politics were the madad-i-mash grantees as well as the shaikhzadas who were related to them by blood. Awadh's subedar pursued a policy of compromise with these disparate groups.

Although he was supposed to be in Malwa, Burhan-ul-mulk defied the imperial order and arrived in Awadh. In 1736, Burhan-ul-mulk paid peshkash for Allahabd's subedari, which he received in return (tribute). Awadh's subedari was sought after by Burhan-ul-successor mulk's (his nephew Safdar Jang), but he regarded it as an inheritance. Obtaining the subedari in his native country for the rest of his life required Safdar Jang to pay two crores of Rupees from provincial funds as peshkash. Despite the fact that Burhan-ul-jagirs mulk's outside of Awadh continued after his death, Safdar Jang did not inherit them. Safdar Jang, on the other hand, seized (took over) the imperial power to bestow titles and mansabs. The emperor's nominal approval was sought, but the governor could disregard the emperor's advice if it wasn't acceptable to him. The governor granted and resumed jagirs, and the Emperor's approval was only a matter of time.

Anarchy erupted in Awadh in the 18th century because of the aspirations of local groups for political representation. Because of the waning of central authority, the subedar of Awadh was able to work in concert with local power brokers in order to achieve his ambition to become the province's leader....