Orange State - Word Count: 1837 PDF

Preview

Summary

Word Count: 1837...

Description

1. In what ways did the origins of the state of Northern Ireland define its history and politics up to 1949?

The partition of Ireland was a consequence of the Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921. The island of Ireland was split broadly along religious lines. A Free State was established which held a Catholic majority, whereas an area of Ulster was carved up which guaranteed a Protestant majority and established its own government – this divide was to dominate the politics of the island for decades to come. In this essay I aim to answer how the actions in the early period of formation of the Northern state came to define its legacy – both political and historical. It is no secret that sectarianism was rife in the North. The relationship between religion and politics is quite different in the North of Ireland. Broadly speaking, Protestantism is linked to unionism and loyalism, whereas Catholicism is coupled with nationalism and republicanism. These relationships have existed long before partition – however it could be argued that as a result of partition these relationships were further cemented and emphasised. The relationship between politics and religion has been one of the many legacies left behind from the origins of the Northern state. The turn of the century saw turbulence in Europe and afar, pathing the way for the creation of many new States. This turbulence took hold in Ireland too, and still exists to this day – however it is at a much more peaceful stage. Upon the creation of the Northern state sectarian violence flooded areas in Belfast – this was the result of the frustration shared by both communities. On the nationalist side the frustration was in regards to how they were essentially abandoned by the government in the south and now under the governance of a unionist government, (Lynch, R. p.227. 2006). On the other hand, some unionists were reacting to the campaign being mounted by the IRA in counties such as Cork, and therefore assimilated this to northern nationalists – leading to reactionary violence and growing resentment. Stormont was ruled by upper/middle class unionists roughly up until the emergence of the civil rights movement and the subsequent suspension of the Stormont government. The ruling elite in Stormont often ignored the working class communities, predominately the nationalist working class communities. This encouraged anger and hatred towards the sitting government. This hatred and anger set the course for the following years, dictating community relations which would exist right up to and surpassing 1949. James Craig, the first Prime Minister of the Stormont Government made the iconic speech pertaining to a ‘Protestant Parliament for a Protestant people’, which further entrenched the divisions between the two communities and reaffirmed the nationalists belief that the State was not acting in their interests. With the State supported with the unionist community, the UVF, which was first established in 1912 in response to the threat of Home Rule, reappeared and became another stimulant in the conflict (Parkinson, A. p.156. 2004). Michael Farrell builds on the State top-down discrimination and describes how this allowed for the exploitation of the nationalist community by unionist businesses (including industries such as the Shipyards) and by local councils – later causing bottom-up discrimination to emerge. This discrimination took place largely through the gerrymandering of constituencies to allow for unionist domination, even in areas where a majority of Catholics resided (Farrell, M. p.326. 1976.). The Ulster Unionist Party, the largest party at the time, reaped the benefits of this discrimination. The UUP were a party made up of largely a landed gentry class which introduced policies to appeal the popular opinion at the time – and this was anything that segregated nationalists. This was reflected in the shear amount of UUP ministers from 1921-73 who held 1

membership of the Orange Order. All but 11 of UUP government ministers between this period were Orangemen, as too was every single Prime Minster of the Stormont government. This suggests that a strong bias was present in the political direction of the State. A threat to the unionist establishment was first noticed in the council elections of 1920. Sinn Féin polled well, especially in western constituencies. This was interpreted as a danger by the establishment and they then sought about bringing this to an end. The Leech Commission was established as part of the unionist strategy of ensuring that unionism will have a majority in constituencies even where there was a nationalist majority. This commission ruled, in 1922, that boundaries were to be redrawn and a new voting system was to be adopted – all of which was to guarantee that unionists were to hold control throughout the North on a long-term basis. As a result of unionist domination, the nationalist communities were left behind in every aspect of life and almost left to fend for itself. Resource allocation completely ignored the needs of the nationalist community from this point onwards. The allocation of resources is an iconic policy in the history of the North. It was a catalyst in the early years of the Civil Rights movement many years later. This control manifested itself into every aspect of life in the North. From council staff to police officers: nearly all were Protestants. It is important to pay close attention to the makeup of the RUC, that being it was largely made up of middle class Protestants. However, in some instances there was working class Protestants recruited and also, although very little, middle class Catholics – essentially this police force was a Protestant militia. The makeup of this police force was ideal for enforcing the status quo and oppressing the other community. They achieved this through particularly violent methods which involved policies such as harassment of working class nationalist communities. The approach taken by the police during the unstable years dictated the attitudes which would be held by the majority of the nationalist community for years to come, therefore having a lasting impact on the politics of the state. The heavy-handed approach taken by the police paved the way for instability and uncertainty to dictate the course of the Northern state. Whyte (1983) in some sense would agree with this argument. He claims that the Stormont government were not precisely responsible for the discrimination that took place, however he recognises that the policies they pushed, the attitudes they portrayed and the lack of inclusion all contributed to the overall discrimination that occurred. The institutional discrimination of the nationalist community was quickly normalised. This process was aided by the aforementioned factors such as the Leech Commission, the makeup of the civil service and most importantly, social attitudes towards nationalists and Catholics. Captain Basil Brooke (1933) of the British Army gave the following address to a crowd at an Orange Institution rally in 1933: “Many in this audience employ Catholics, but I have not one about my place. Catholics are out to destroy Ulster. If we in Ulster allow Roman Catholics to work on our farms we are traitors to Ulster. I would appeal to loyalists, therefore, wherever possible, to employ good Protestant lads and lassies”. These type of speeches were not uncommon at the time and in the most part they were deemed acceptable by the majority at the time. However, in hindsight it is agreed by many that these speeches played a key role in stirring up tensions between the communities, and if they were made today those responsible would likely be prosecuted. This is testament to the hold that the State had over day to day life. After decades of this heinous abuse many in the nationalist community started to organise and respond to the abuse. When attempting to respond to the abuse, the nationalist community faced even more roadblocks, and these came, primarily, in the form of legislation. As we already know from the point I made previously, the legislation made by the State was enforced by the RUC. The Civil Authorities Act 1922 was first introduced as a precautionary measure to deter and large scale response in the future years. This Act is infamously known for its provision for internment without trial and introduce curfews. Although this Act was introduced in 1922, it had a lasting impact and foreshadowed events right up until the mid-1970s when internment was 2

reintroduced and the Falls Curfew took place. In addition to the nationalist response, fundamental and ideological beliefs were being reignited and it resulted in the principle of non-recognition of the State being brought to the fore of people’s attitudes. The history the North saw attempts of strengthening the links it had with Britain, whereas in the Free State measures were being perused to break its tie with Britain. The ‘Republic of Ireland Act 1948’ epitomized the contrast between the two states. On one hand, you had a government which was 100 miles away making laws to end the role of Britain in its affairs, whereas in another government the same progress was not being made. In the Free State by 1948 there was a fully operational government, with open elections and essentially, a strong government with rotational Taoiseach’s. In the North by this time there were 3 Prime Ministers in the Stormont government and a growing sense of frustration. Arguably, the government could not find a standard way of governance (largely due to the fact that the Stormont government rejected the British system of clientelism). These facts have partially remained the same up until this very day. The government in the South operates like any other western democracy, but the Stormont system is unique – where a mandatory coalition exists. The northern state was born out of violence and turbulence. The social and political environment which came into being with the State itself was one of violence and confrontation. Confrontation presented itself through the divide between the two communities. The Orange Order exacerbated on one hand exacerbated the problem, and on the other it could be argued that the IRA campaign did not do much to improve upon and build relations – however both these organisations were a product of its time. Principally, the Orange Order, was concerned with dominating the political sphere with the interests of its membership, with an emphasis on defence from nationalist attacks. On the other hand, the IRA was pursuing a campaign to break the remaining relationship Britain had with Ireland. In closing, the events within the first part of the 19th century in the North have been to the core how the State operated up until 1949. The State was born out of fear of a united Ireland, and these fears were carefully fostered by a unionist regime that largely exaggerated them in order to cement their position in power. 1949 saw a massive social change throughout the world, and especially in Britain with the introduction of the welfare state. The events prior to 1949 paved the way for unionism to seize control of the important pillars of the State, for example the local councils and the effects of the Leech Commission. The one-party State created an unfair system that marginalised and discriminated against the nationalists and it is the infamous legacy, attached to the North, known throughout the world.

Word Count: 1837

3

Bibliography Capt. Basil Brooke (1933). Orange Institution rally, Newtownbutler, Co Fermanagh Lynch, Robert (2006). The Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition. Irish Academic Press. Michael Farrell (1976) Northern Ireland: The Orange State. Pluto Press Parkinson, Alan F (2004). Belfast's Unholy War. Four Courts Press Whyte, J. (1983) ‘How much discrimination was there under the Unionist regime, 1921-1968?’, in Tom Gallagher and James O’Connell, Contemporary Irish Studies. Manchester University Press:

4...