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Example of social movements assignment 2 on the political process model...

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Cassie Long Professor Mangcu Social Movements March 12, 2021

Assignment 2 The movement to elect Harold Washington was as unifying in some ways as it was polarizing. This campaign divided Chicago while forming communities of inspired individuals with shared values. Grassroots organization efforts reflected a resource mobilization standpoint, but the emotional and specific ways in which people engaged with the movement, as well as the circumstances in which it was built follow more closely Sidney Tarrow’s political process model. While resource mobilization theory focused on the role of resources in the creation and potential success of social movements, Tarrow’s political process model developed as “a framework in which to examine the dynamics of contention.” (Tarrow, 28) More specifically, he examines why and how contentious politics produce social movements and uses four key elements to do so: repertoires of contention, network and mobilizing structures, construction of contention, and political opportunities and threats. This framework aligns more with the Harold Washington movement than resource mobilization theory because the latter lacks emphasis on the emotional aspects of a movement, which was critical in Harold Washington’s success, as will become apparent throughout this paper. Repertoires of contention reflect specific ways in which people engage with a movement. This can be specific to certain cultures’ revolutionary practices (as barricades are distinctly Parisian, and strikes are consistent with workers’ protests), and are mainly constructed in

response to a specific situation or conflict. Tarrow writes, “Political scientists Stuart Hill and Donald Rothchild put it this way: Based on past periods of conflict with a particular group(s) or the government, individuals construct a prototype of a protest or riot that describes what to do in particular circumstances as well as explaining a rationale for this action (1992: 192).” The history of black people in America has featured numerous examples of voter suppression as one of the main methods of political oppression. This history laid the groundwork for Harold Washington’s role in Chicago, as his coalition employed repertoires of contention that provided them political power. In his memoir, A Promised Land, Obama says of this, “A small band of Black activists and business leaders, tired of the chronic bias and inequities of America’s most segregated big city, decided to register a record number of voters, and then drafted a rotund congressman of prodigious talent but limited ambition to run for an office that appeared well out of reach.” The dedication to registering voters drew upon previous struggles with voter suppression and harnessed that frustration for the movement. The utilization of historical frustrations regarding lack of political influence to create political influence captures the essence of repertoires of contention within Tarrow’s political process model. The model next employs networks and mobilizing structures to effectively create and sustain collective action. This aspect of the political process model takes a social approach to explaining the mobilization structures within a movement, showing a direct contrast to the previous resource mobilization theory. These social structures are crucial to understanding the spread of emotion and action throughout a movement. Tarrow says of this, “Although it is individuals who decide whether to take up collective action, it is in their face-to-face groups, their social networks, and the connective structures between them that collective action is most often activated and sustained.” Networks and mobilizing structures provided a critical advantage

to the Howard Washington Movement, highlighting the influence of Chicago’s black communities. The frequent rallies and wide-reaching influence of the movement brought the issue to the forefront of everyone’s attention through the social structures involved in and utilized for its mobilization, specifically black voters and white progressives. Obama highlights these “Black activists and business leaders” who were dedicated to registering voters. He writes in his memoir, “People who had never thought about politics, people who had never even voted, got swept up in the cause. Seniors and schoolchildren started sporting the campaign’s blue buttons. A collective unwillingness to keep putting up with a steady accumulation of unfairness and slights …gathered like a cyclone and toppled city hall….” The exponential nature in which the movement grew reflects the networks and mobilizing structures at work within Tarrow’s political process model. Construction of contention describes how movements take grievances and frame them in a way that compels action to be taken. This act of “framing” draws lines between those acting and those being acted upon, shaping the grievances into a narrative: “Framing relates to the generalization of a grievance and defines the “us” and “them” in a movement’s structure of conflict and alliances. By drawing on inherited collective identities and shaping new ones, challengers delimit the boundaries of their prospective constituencies and define their enemies by their real or imagined attributes and evils. They do this through the images they project of both enemies and allies, as much as through the content of their ideological messages.”[ CITATION Sid11 \l 1033 ] As described in this quote, framing and constructing contentions are tools not only utilized within a movement but all around it. Opposers, media, politicians, etc. all seek to frame a movement in the way most beneficial to themselves.

Harold Washington’s campaign, as described in Obama’s memoir, was centered around “a collective unwillingness to keep putting up with a steady accumulation of unfairness and slights.” This generated support overwhelmingly with black Chicagoans, the LatinX community, and white progressives [ CITATION Xol97 \l 1033 ], because of this framing. On the other hand. Washington’s opponent, Republicans and some Democrats viewed the campaign as a threat to their historic authority, portraying their opposing campaign as saving the community from integrated/progressive ideals. Obama writes: “I saw how a political campaign based on racial redress, no matter how reasonable, generated fear and backlash and ultimately placed limits on progress.” Construction of contention shows how lines are truly drawn, and this can place limits on progress, should the lines be deep. The circumstances that lead to a movement occurring at a specific time are explored in political opportunities and threats. This aspect of the political process model sheds light on the timing of contentious politics. Tarrow explains, “Contentious politics is produced when threats are experienced and opportunities are perceived, when the existence of available allies is demonstrated, and when the vulnerability of opponents is exposed.” This crucial element explains why movements happen when they do, considering the prevalence and long history of grievances as well as abundant network and mobilizing structures waiting to be utilized. Though this is not a model perfectly predicting when contentious politics will emerge. This element also reflects the timeliness of Harold Washington’s campaign. The “swift current” that “seemed like it sprang out of nowhere” [ CITATION Bar \l 1033 ] captured the attention of the majority of Chicago and swept them up in the movement to elect Harold Washington. This wind of change, though powerful, was ultimately reliant on Washington, and collapsed soon after his death. The political opportunity was taken advantage of

by Washington and his followers, on his behalf. But ultimately, a space was created for him specifically (by the movement) in government, and the predominantly white nature of that government pushed to ensure that it did not set a precedent. Obama reflects on this in his memoir, “And in the rapid collapse of Harold’s coalition after his death, I saw the danger of relying on a single charismatic leader to bring about change.” While the political process model explains the origins and methods from and by which social movements are constructed and carried out, many theorists reject its structure and overemphasis on external oppressors/elites. Aldon Morris is one of these theorists. In his article “Reflections on Social Movement Theory: Criticisms and Proposals”, Morris highlights the political opportunity structure’s tendency to undermine the power of collective action without opportunity. He explains, “Its limitations stem from the assumption that external political opportunities must first become available before challenging groups can generate collective action.” Morris’ contributions to social movement theory emphasize the impact of challenging groups and show that they can create political opportunities, whereas the political process model limits movements to the opposite.

Bibliography Mangcu, X. (1997). The Man, The Movement and the Moment: A Summary of the Movement to Elect Harold Washington in Chicago. Morris, A. (2000, May). Reflections on Social Movement Theory: Criticisms and Proposals. Contemporary Sociology, 29(3), 445-454. Obama, B. (2020). A Promised Land. New York: Crown Press. Tarrow, S. G. (2011). Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press....