The Saami Loanwords in Finnish and Karelian PDF

Preview

Summary

Ante Aikio THE SAAMI LOANWORDS IN FINNISH AND KARELIAN Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by permission of the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Oulu, in lecture hall L4, on the 27th of March, 2009, at 12 o’clock. Giitosat Dát nákkosgirjedutkamu! lea mealgat guhkes áiggi bargg...

Description

Ante Aikio

THE SAAMI LOANWORDS IN FINNISH AND KARELIAN

Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by permission of the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Oulu, in lecture hall L4, on the 27th of March, 2009, at 12 o’clock.

Giitosat Dát nákkosgirjedutkamu! lea mealgat guhkes áiggi barggu boa"us. Báhcahahkan dán bargui lei logenár jagi dassá fuomá!upmi das, ahte muhtun etymologala! sátnegirjjiin sáme- ja suomagielaid oktasa! árbin #ilgejuvvon sánit oro!edje leamen buorebut dulkomis sápmela! loatnan suomagielas. Jagi 2000 dollen dáid gávnnahusain smávva ovdasága$a ovccát fennougristakongressas Tartus, ja guokte jagi ma%%elis guorahallan viidánii pro gradu -bargun. Dalle in datte vel vuordán, ahte sámegielain suoma- ja gárjilgillii boahtán loatnasánit olá!edje olles nákkosgirjji fáddán. Mu oktan dutkanbero!tupmin lea hápma!uvvan sámiid ja nuortamearasuopmela! álbmogiid ovdahistorjjála! gaskavuo"aid guorahallan. Sámegielain boahtán loatnasániid ja sámevulgosa! báikenamaid vuohttaleapme Suomas ja Gárjilis lea #uo$$ilan guovddá! gielladie"ala! ga$aldahkan dán ollisvuo"as. Álgoálggus áigon gie"ahallat nákkosgirjjistan sihke loatnasániid ja báikenamaid, muhto go bargu ovdáni!go"ii, de áicen farga, ahte ávdnasat ollet guovtti sierra dutkamu!!ii. Nákkosgirjji fáddán vállja!uvve loatnasánit, ja báikenamaide guoski ga$aldagaid #ielggadeapmi báhcá nuppi girjji temán. Go dát oassi barggus lea dál gárvvásman, háliidan giitit má%ggaid olbmuid ja instanssaid veahki ja doarjaga ovddas. Mu deháleamos oahpaheaddji sámegielaid ja gielladiehtaga suorggis leama! Pekka Sammallahti, Lásse Beahkká. Stuorámus oasi á!!iin maid die"án sámegielaid birra, lean beassan oahppat sus, ja ollu eanet lea vel oahppanláhkai. Beahkká leama! maiddái bagadallin ja kollegan álo movttet ságastallat vu"ola##at buot gillii ja gielladutkamii guoski jurdagiin. Stuorra váikkuhus Beahkás leama! maid dasa, ahte lohkagohten sámegiela Oulu universitehtas jagi 1995 – vaikko ánsu das gullá maiddái Beahká eamidii ja mu vuosttas skuvlaoahpaheaddjái Oahptii Ásllat I%gái, Inga Guttormii. Háliidan maiddái giitit dán barggu ovdadárkkisteaddjiguoktá, professor UllaMaija Kulosa Helssega universitehtas ja professor emeritus Olavi Korhosa Ubmi universitehtas. Sudno kommeanttat, fuomá!umit ja kritihkka leama!an erenomá! ávkkála##at dán barggu gárvedettiin, ja !addet ávkin maiddái mu boahtteva! dutkamu!!ii dáid á!!iid birra. Dát bargu lea #állojuvvon má%gga muttus ja má%gga báikkis. Álggahin dán projeavtta assistentan barggadettiin Suoma- ja sámegiela ja logopediija instituhtas dahjege Suosalos, mas sámegiella ja sámiid kultuvra laigejuvvojedje ieh#anas Giellagas-instituhttan jagi 2001. Ruovttueatnan gielaid dutkanguovddá$a suopman- ja báikenammaarkiivvaid Helssegis lean geavahan jagi 2003, go #a"ahin doppe siviilabálvalusan, ja moanain arkiivamátkkiin das ma%%áge. Jagi 2004 rájes mus leama! vejola!vuohta bargat dutkin Giellagas-instituhtas.

1

Nákkosgirjebarggu áigge lean maiddái oassálastán lohkanjagi 2006–2007 professor Riho Grünthal jo"ihan ja Suoma akademiija ruhtadan projektii Linguistic Map of Prehistoric North Europe: Complex Finno-Ugric Networks 2000 BC – 1300 AD. Barggu ma%imu! muttuid lean dahkan guossedutkin gielladiehtaga instituhtas ja The Center for American Indian Languages dutkanguovddá$is Utah universitehtas, Salt Lake Citys. Buot dát báikkit leat fállan munnje vuogas ja bukteva! bargobirrasa. Giittán Guhtur Niillas Duopmása, Tuomas Magga, Veli-Pekka Lehtola, ja Nillá Piera Ánne-Sire, Anni-Siiri Länsmana, vejola!vuo"as bargat Giellagas-instituhtas, ja buot earáge instituhta bargiid movttegis sápmela! bargobirrasis. Mu nubbin gielladie"ala! ruoktun Oulu universitehtas leama! suomagiela oahppoávnnas, man gáffebeavdái munnje leat álo sávvan buresboahtima. Erenomá$it háliidan giitit professor Helena Sulkala praktihkala! veahkis nákkosgirjji dárkkisteami ordnemis, ja professor Harri Mantila, gii leama! álo gearggus vástidit mu ga$aldagaide suomagiela suopmaniin ja veahkehit earáge buncaraggáin. Ruovttueatnan gielaid dutkanguovddá$a giittán vejola!vuo"as friddja geavahit arkiivvaid maiddái virgeáiggi olggobealde, ja guovddá$a sátnegirjeossodaga bargiid veahkis arkiivvaid geavaheamis. Professor Lyle Campbellii lean giiteva! dilála!vuo"as bargat stimulerejeaddji ja ealaskas gielladie"ala! bargobirrasis dáppe nuppe beal ábi. Mu barggu leat ruhtadan Oulu universitehta ja Suoma akademiija, maid doarjaga haga dát dutkamu! illá liv##ii #állojuvvon. Barggu áigge mu leat veahkehan ja arvvosmahttán má%ggat kollegat ja lagas olbmot. Erenomá$it háliidan namuhit Petri Kallio, Jorma Koivulehto ja Janne Saarikivi, geaiguin lean jagiid mielde beassan dávjá suokkardallat giellahistorjjá ja etymologiija ga$aldagaid. Min viiddis ságastallamiin vuollalássaguoras leama! vu"ola! váikkuhus mu ipmárdussii giellahistorjjála! dutkamu!as. Jorma giittán maiddái má%ggaid fuomá!umiin dán barggus gie"ahallon etymologiijaide, ja Janne guhkes ságastallamiin gielala! substráhtavaikkuhusa luonddus, mat leat ollu veahkehan mu ipmirdit dán barggu fáddái guoski vuo""oga$aldagaid. Giellagas-instituhtas mus leama! illu juohkit bargolanja Jussi Ylikoskiin; oktasa! dutkanfiggamu!at ja beaivvála! árvaladdan buotlágan gielladie"ala! á!!iin leat leama! munnje hui mearkka!ahttit. Háliidan maiddái giitit Leena Niska má!ola! doarjagis ja veahkis má%ggaid jagiid áigge, go dát dutkamu! lei gaskan daga. Mu bearra!is leama! stuorra mearkka!upmi dán barggu !addamii. Áh##án Luobbal Sámmol Sámmol, Samuli Aikio, lea jo árrat láidestan mu sámegiela ja sámiid historjjá surggiide. Suinna lean maiddái beassan ságastit má%ggain dán bargui guoski #uolmmain. Eadnerohkkán, Annukka Aikio, lei ea%gasgiela oahpaheaddji, ja sus lean árben bero!tumi ea%gasgillii; dát bero!tupmi leama! vuo""un dasa, ahte lean sáhttán álkit #állit dán barggu. Dutkanfáttá válljemii mu

2

leat movttiidahttán má%ggat ságastallamat sámiid ja suopmela##aid historjjála! gaskavuo"aid birra vieljainan Luobbal Sámmol Sámmol Ásllahiin, Aslak Aikioin. Liekkus giiteva!vuo"ain jurdda!an ráhkis guoibmán Laura Arola. Son lea gierdava##at veahkehan á!!edovdamu!ainis ja maiddái barggu geavatla! osiin, ja su árjjala! doarjja lea bisuhan mu bargomovtta ja -návcca dallege go lean ie! leama! masá doaivvuhuvvamin. Su lassin ráhkis giitosat gullet maiddái o""ajagimánus riegádan bártná$asan Sámmol Ántte Lennii dan ollu ilus maid son lea addán munnje barggu ma%imu! muttuid áigge, ja das go lean beassan oahppat beaktilvuo"a dilis, mas áddjás jurdda!anbargu lea gaskkohagaid orron masá veadjemeahttun.

Stuorra sáltejávrri luhtte, Salt Lake Citys, Utahis njuk#amánu vuosttas beaivve 2009 Luobbal Sámmol Sámmol Ánte

3

Contents Giitosat

1

Contents

4

1. Introduction 2. Theoretical and methodological issues 2.1. Sound substitutions and phonological nativization 2.2. Semantic correspondences 2.3. Distribution 2.4. The role of sound symbolism in etymology 3. A review of previous research 4. The Saami loanwords in the Far-Northern dialects 5. Saami loan etymologies 5.1. aaje ‘spring, boghole’ 5.2. aava ‘open, wide (sea, lake, bog)’ 5.3. alkea ‘easy, comfortable’ 5.4. anastaa ‘to seize, rob’ 5.5. !iekso ‘osprey’ 5.6. !ilmu ‘litter’ 5.7. !ole ‘fish guts’ 5.8. !umu ‘heap’ 5.9. !ura ‘side, edge, direction’ 5.10. !urmuine ‘a small amount’ 5.11. iltti ‘tongue of a shoe’ 5.12. joukahtaa ‘to cross one’s mind’ 5.13. julku ‘pole, rod’ 5.14. kaasu ‘mist, haze, steam’ 5.15. kahlata ‘to wade’ 5.16. kaitua ‘to draw away, disappear’ 5.17. kelo ‘snag, dead tree’ 5.18. kenes ‘young rascal’ 5.19. kenttä ‘meadow’ 5.20. kieppi ‘snow hole; snowdrift’ 5.21. kieva ‘desire, enthusiasm, zeal’ 5.22. kiihtyä ‘to get excited’ 5.23. kikama ‘reverly, merrymaking’ 5.24. kinkeä ‘narrow, tight’ 5.25. kontio ‘bear’

7 11 12 18 21 25 36 40 52 53 54 57 59 60 61 63 63 64 66 66 69 70 72 74 75 77 80 81 84 85 87 90 91 93

4

5.26. korju ‘bear’s den’ 5.27. korko ‘islet, reef, shallows’ 5.28. kortata ‘to roast’ 5.29. koruo ‘to sew up’ 5.30. kurmu ‘botfly larva; (weak and lean) cow’ 5.31. kurso ‘boggy depression’ 5.32. kuukkeli ‘Siberian jay’ 5.33. kuupia, kuuvittaa ‘to gather (while sewing)’ 5.34. kärkäs ‘ready, eager, anxious’ 5.35. longota ‘to come off, come loose’ 5.36. lonsota ‘to come loose’ 5.37. lunka ‘birch or willow bark which comes off easily’ 5.38. luoska ‘old and poor boat; indecent person’ 5.39. luppo ‘lichen on trees’ 5.40. mieto ‘mild, gentle’ 5.41. naala ‘figure, shape; habit’ 5.42. "uoru ‘sandbank’ 5.43. nuoska ‘damp, wet; soft, flexible’ 5.44. nuotio ‘campfire’ 5.45. olas ‘groove on the bottom of a ski’ 5.46. paartaa ‘to edge, hem’, paarre ‘brim’ 5.47. palas ‘path; tracks (e.g. in snow)’ 5.48. pillastua ‘to bolt (of horses)’ 5.49. pirjanne ‘storm, gust of wind’ 5.50. pisa, an expletive 5.51. puoska ‘brat’ 5.52. puoto ‘dam’ 5.53. purnu ~ purmu ‘cache for foodstuffs; grain bin’ 5.54. päläs ‘place for foot on a ski’ 5.55. ronkkia ‘to root, grub up’ 5.56. roukonen ‘old and worn skin rug’ 5.57. sahra ‘wooden plough’, saara ‘fork in a plough’ 5.58. siisna ‘strap made of leather or birch-bark’ 5.59. sivakka ‘ski’ 5.60. sompa ‘ring on a ski pole’ 5.61. sunta ‘mild weather; lukewarm, mild’ 5.62. suokko ‘downy birch’ 5.63. suotaa ‘to leak’ 5.64. säimiä ~ säämätä ‘to beat, flog, lash’

95 97 98 101 102 105 107 110 111 113 114 115 116 117 119 120 122 123 124 127 128 130 130 133 134 136 137 138 140 144 145 148 150 151 152 153 154 156 157

5

5.65. sättä ‘angleworm’ 5.66. tiena ‘selvage’ 5.67. tilka, tilkku ‘piece, of cloth, patch’ 5.68. tivata ‘to press, demand, come down on’ 5.69. tomera ‘bustling, energetic, quick’ 5.70. tupera ~ tuppura ‘weather when the snow sticks on skis’ 5.71. täkkä ‘breast meat of a game bird’ 5.72. ume ‘fog, mist’ 5.73. vaara ‘hill’, vaaru ‘rain-cloud, storm-cloud’ 5.74. vinka ‘hook for hanging a cauldron over the fire’ 5.75. viti ‘freshly fallen snow’ 5.76. vorva ‘light sleeper, one who is on the alert’ 5.77. vuolanne ‘hollow, low-lying terrain’ 5.78. äimä ‘fool’, olla äimänä ‘to be surprised, stunned’ 6. Tentative Saami loan etymologies 6.1. junta ‘row (of fishing nets)’, juntu ‘path, row’ 6.2. keimailla ~ kiemailla ‘to show off, to flirt’ 6.3. koirastua ‘to turn sour; to become barren’ 6.4. kurki ~ kurko ‘devil, ghost, evil spirit’ 6.5. lahtea ‘damp’ 6.6. nolo ~ nulo ‘embarrased; lazy’ 6.7. norppa ‘ringed seal’ 6.8. pätäs ‘meat on the breast of a game bird’ 6.9. pökkö ‘rotten snag, block of wood’ 6.10. ruopas ‘heap of rocks or ice’ 6.11. sääriä ‘to show through clouds (of the sun)’ 6.12. taroa ‘to talk indecently’ 6.13. tepsiä ‘to have an effect, be effective’ 6.14. uuttu ‘nest box for waterfowl’ 7. Conclusions 7.1. On the semantics of Saami loanwords 7.2. Loanword distributions and their historical interpretation 7.3. Theoretical and methodological observations

162 163 165 167 168 169 172 173 175 176 178 180 182 183 186 186 187 188 189 191 192 195 196 197 197 198 200 201 202 206 206 215 219

Abbreviations References Appendices: Appendix A. A List of Saami loanwords in the Far-Northern dialects Appendix B. Dialect distribution maps of Saami loanwords

226 227

6

243 291

1. Introduction Saami languages were up to recent times spoken over a continuous area stretching from central Scandinavia in the southwest to the tip of the Kola Peninsula in the east. Only during the 20th century this unbroken continuum of ten closely related languages became fragmented due to language replacement and on the Kola Peninsula also due to forced population movements during Soviet collectivization. As a result of these changes Akkala Saami is now extinct and Ume, Pite and Ter Saami are facing imminent language death. Also South, Lule, Inari, Skolt and Kildin Saami are seriously endangered, and only for North Saami survival over more than a few generations seems secured. The retraction of Saami on the linguistic map is not a new phenomenon, however: it is well-known that Saami inhabitation had earlier reached further south to the central and southern parts of Finland and Karelia. During recent centuries Saami has constantly lost ground to the expanding Finnish settlement in Lapland. In the municipality of Inari in northern Lapland the Finnish settlement only dates back to the latter half of the 18th century (Nahkiaisoja 2003: 167–168). In the parishes of Salla, Savukoski and Sodankylä just south of Inari the rudimentarily attested and now extinct Kemi Saami language was still spoken in the first half of the 19th century (Äimä & Itkonen 1918: 7). In the first half of the 17th century the central and southeastern parts of the Finnish Lapland, including the Saami villages of Kittilä, Sodankylä, Kitka and Maanselkä, were still exclusively Saami territory (Tegengren 1952). In tax documents dating from the 17th and 16th centuries there is information of Saami settlement in various parts of central and eastern Finland. Also, a rich corpus of Finnish oral tradition pertaining to earlier ‘Lapp’ inhabitants has been recorded from the central and southern parts of the country. (T. I. Itkonen 1947; 1948 I: 92–97.) In Southern Finland and Karelia the Finnic settlement seems to have originally spread from two directions: from southwestern Finland, including Finland Proper and central Tavastia, and from the Karelian isthmus and the isthmus between Lake Ladoga and Lake Onega. In the late Iron Age, the spread of the the Finnish and Karelian settlement was at first very limited: in 700 AD the Finnic settlement was confined in two rather narrow areas, Finland Proper, Satakunta and Tavastia in the southwest and the Karelian Isthmus in the southeast (Salo 2000; 2004; Jutikkala & Pirinen 2002: 13). This Finnic settlement, however, rather quickly expanded to cover a substantial part of Southern Finland as well as the coasts of the Gulf of Bothnia by 1540. Hence, there has been a recent language replacement in large parts of the speaking area of FinnishKarelian: as witnessed by oral tradition and the historical record, these regions

7

were formerly inhabited by foraging ‘Lapps’ that were either driven out from these territories or assimilated to the Finnish-Karelian settlement. The earlier wide distribution of Saami settlement in Finland was already noted by Joannis Schefferus in his monograph Lapponia (1673), which can be considered the first scientific study of the Saami. Schefferus concluded that the Saami had earlier lived in the southern parts of Finland, but had been driven out of their former territories by Finns already before the introduction of Christianity to Finland. He based his reasoning mainly on fragments of Finnish and Saami oral tradition, but it became well-established during the 19th century that there are also historical documents with references to ‘Lapps’ living in southern Finland (e.g., Koskinen 1882; Porthan 1873: 31–42). During the early 20th century also linguistic evidence pointing to the Saami past of Finland started to emerge in the form of Saami substrate loanwords and place-names. The history of these linguistic studies is discussed in more detail in section 3. The purpose of this study is to provide the first detailed account of loanwords that Saami has contributed to the Finnish-Karelian lexicon, especially to the more southerly dialects which have not been in recent contact with Saami. In this work, the term ‘Finnish-Karelian’ is often used to refer to the dialect continuum formed by Finnish and Karelian (including Olonets Karelian). This usage has been adopted because from a dialectological point of view Finnish and Karelian do not constitute definably distinct languages: there are no isoglosses that would distinguish ‘Finnish’ as a whole from ‘Karelian’, or vice versa. Also the dialect distributions of lexical items generally do not coincide with the Finnish-Karelian boundary, and maintaining a sharp distinction between ‘Finnish’ and ‘Karelian’ would thus be artificial in an etymological study of dialectal vocabulary.1 Even though the methods applied in this study are etymological, its ultimate aims also involve the reconstruction of sociolinguistic and ethnic prehistory. One intention is to examine what the lexical influence of Saami in central and 1

Of course, there is an endless debate on where the distinction between a ‘dialect’ and a separate

‘language’ should be drawn; the answer depends crucially on the chosen point of view. It is not rare that two genetically closely related groups of lects are mutually well intelligible and do not form distinct languages from a dialectalogical point of view, but are still considered separate languages on the basis of, e.g., distinct literary standards, separate administrative histories, or differing ethnolinguistic identification by the speakers themselves (compare the case of Swedish and Norwegian, for instance). Hence, by using the term ‘Finnish-Karelian’, I do not mean to contest the status of Finnish and Karelian as distinct languages in any other than a strictly dialectological sense. For the same reason, even though ‘Meänkieli’ and ‘Kven’ now have a legal status as independent minority languages in northern Sweden and northern Norway respectively, in this study they are subsumed as dialects belonging to the Far-Northern dialect group of Finnish.

8

southern Finland and Karelia is like, and, in particular, to scrutinize in what way it differs from the more extensive Saami influence in the Far-Northern dialects of Finnish-Karelian. Second, the aim is to use etymological research as a tool for reconstructing the prehistoric sociolinguistic conditions: it will be discussed what the Saami loanwords in Finnish-Karelian dialects reveal of the social nature of the contact setting as well as the former distribution of Saami languages in Finland and Karelia. As the receding Saami languages have doubtlessly had an impact on the development of Finnish-Karelian varieties in the colonized areas, the key linguistic concept for this study is ‘substrate influence’, the incorporation of linguistic features from a receding language to an expanding idiom during the course of language shift and replacement. The following definition of ‘substrate’ can be cited: “Im Rahmen von Sprachkontakt bzw. -mischung sowohl die bodenständige (ursprüngliche) Sprache eines unterlegenen Volkes, die von der Sprache der Eroberer überlagert wird, als auch ihr Einfluß auf die dominierende Sprache der Erober...” (Bussmann 1990 s.v. Substrat; for similar definitions see Trask 2000 and Crystal 2003 s.v. substrate)

Substrate influence can manifest itself on all levels of language, from placenames and the lexicon to syntax, morphology and phonology. The present monograph concentrates on the analysis of a specific part of the Saami substrate in Finnish-Karelian, namely loanwords. Due to the scope of the study an analysis of place-names of Saami origin cannot be included in this volume, but will be published as a separate study in the future (Aikio, in preparation). The question of structural substrate influence, however, will receive less attention. This approach has been dictated by the nature of the data: there are numerous loanwords and place-names of Saami origin in Finnish-Karelian, whereas structural substrate features seem to be very few and confined to certain parts of the Far-Northern dialect area. Moreover, the study of structural subtrate is a controversial field, whereas lexical material – loanwords and place-names – can be analyzed by applying well-established etymological methods. In Uralic comparative linguistics the importance of this type of approach has recently been emphasized by Saarikivi: “Although linguistic substratum may be phonological, morphosyntactic or lexical, it is expressly the lexical substratum that should be of interest to those studying the ethnic and historical past of a linguistic area... This is because phonological and morphosyntactic substratum is often relatively hard to prove, whereas examining the origin of words usually yields results by the normal methods of etymological research.” (Saarikivi 2004a: 192)...