Tiberius in Strabo’s Geography: echoes of his activities in Illyricum PDF

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HUNGARIAN POLIS STUDIES Nr. 24 TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM Contributions to the history of the Danubian provinces under Tiberius’ reign (14–37 AD) TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM BUDAPEST - DEBRECEN HPS 24 2017 HPS-24-fedel.indd 1 2017.09.06. 15:32:51 TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM Contributions to the history of the Danubi...

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HUNGARIAN POLIS STUDIES Nr. 24

TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM

TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM

Contributions to the history of the Danubian provinces under Tiberius’ reign (14–37 AD)

HPS 24

HPS-24-fedel.indd 1

BUDAPEST - DEBRECEN 2017

2017.09.06. 15:32:51

TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM Contributions to the history of the Danubian provinces under Tiberius’ reign (14–37 AD)

HUNGARIAN POLIS STUDIES (HPS) Eötvös Loránd University Dept. of Ancient History H–1088 Budapest, Múzeum körút 6–8. University of Debrecen Dept. of Classical Philology and Ancient History H–4010 Debrecen, Egyetem tér 1. Fax: + 36 52 512 900 / 22130 E-mail: [email protected]

Nr. 24

Editors GYÖRGY NÉMETH ÁDÁM SZABÓ

HU ISSN 1417-1708

2017

TIBERIUS IN ILLYRICUM

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF THE DANUBIAN PROVINCES UNDER TIBERIUS’ REIGN (14–37 AD)

Edited by PÉTER KOVÁCS

BUDAPEST – DEBRECEN

Managing editors Dániel Bajnok Krisztina Csák Viktor Konczi

© Authors © Editors of HPS

Cover: Phalera from Burnum representing Tiberius (Archaeological Museum in Zadar, inv. nr. A3001) Photo by Ivan Čondić ISBN 978-963-284-920-1

Printed by KÓDEX KÖNYVGYÁRTÓ KFT. Budapest 2017

CONTENTS Contents

5

Preface Péter Kovács

7

Tiberius and his family on the epigraphic monuments from Dalmatia Dino Demicheli

9

The division of Illyricum in Tiberian era: long term significance Danijel Dzino

41

Veteran settlement in Illyricum during the reign of Tiberius Snezana Ferjanicić – Olga Pelcer-Vujačić

55

Gemmen aus der Zeit der Geburt Pannoniens Tamás Gesztelyi The first Sarmatians in the Great Hungarian Plain (Some ideas on the Jazygian migration into the Carpathian Basin) Eszter Istvánovits – Valéria Kulcsár Velleius Paterculus on Pannonia Péter Kovács

67

85 103

The middle and lower Danube region from Tiberius to Claudius Miroslava Mirković Augustus, Tiberius und die Daker Eduard Nemeth

121 133

Tiberius in Strabo’s Geography: echoes of his activities in Illyricum Marjeta Šašel Kos

5

139

Contents

Zur Hypothese der mehrstufigen Einverleibung Pannoniens Zsolt Visy

157

Der Magdalensberg, Tiberius und Illyricum Ekkehard Weber

167

Die ältesten Inschriften aus Carnuntum Ingrid Weber-Hiden

177

Hungarian Polis Studies

192

6

PREFACE

In January 2016, together with Bence Fehér we organised an international conference, “Tiberius in Pannonia”, to commemorate Tiberius’ activities in Illyricum as Augustus’ military commander, his ascension to the purple and the 2000th anniversary of the foundation of Pannonia that can doubtless be regarded as one of his accomplishments during his reign. The conference held with the support of the Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary was attended by many of our Hungarian, German, Austrian, Slovenian, Croatian, Serbian and Romanian colleagues. The present volume contains the edited versions of the papers read at the conference as well as several papers that were not read owing to problems of distance and other constraints. We strove to select thematic papers for the conference that would cover the entire territory of Illyricum, including the larger geographic unit of Illyricum that extended from Raetia to the Black Sea, and would discuss various archaeological and historic aspects (such as Magdalensberg, early Carnuntum and the relation between Romans and Dacians), and would also touch upon the relationship between Noricum, Illyricum, Moesia and Tiberius’ activities in these regions. We welcomed the many approaches to the subject, ranging from discussions of written sources (Ptolemy and Velleius Paterculus) and the epigraphic material (such as Vinicius’ controversial campaign and its inscription) to surveys of the archaeological record (represented, for example, by glyptics). A new work has convincingly demonstrated that the earliest archaeological relics of the Sarmatians, a new population appearing on the Hungarian Plain, is bound to Illyricum by many strands. We are grateful to the Károli Gáspár University for its assistance and financial support for organising this conference. Péter Kovács

7

Tiberius in Illyricum HPS 24. pp. 139–155.

ISBN 978-963-284-920-1 HU ISSN 1417-1708

TIBERIUS IN STRABO’S GEOGRAPHY: ECHOES OF HIS ACTIVITIES IN ILLYRICUM MARJETA ŠAŠEL KOS

Strabo’s life, work, and chronology Strabo was born sometime between 64 and 50 BC 1 in Amasia (presentday Amasya in Turkey), a city in the Hellenised kingdom of Pontus, located in northern Asia Minor along the southern coast of the Black Sea, which he called “our city” (12.3.39 C. 561). 2 No dated event in Strabo’s Geography helps establish the year of his birth more precisely. He died (probably shortly) after 24 AD since the last chronologically precise data in his work is the “recent” death of Juba II, the Hellenised king of Maur usia (Mauretania), which probably occurred in AD 23/24 (17.3.7; 9 C. 828; 829). This was very likely information added by Strabo himself. 3 Another helpful chronological item is Strabo’s reference to Cyzicus as a free city. It attained this status under the Romans and remained free throughout his lifetime (12.8.11 C. 576), but it lost its freedom in AD 25. Strabo was as an intellectual active in the Augustan Empire, well acquainted with the past and current scholarship. He was mainly an Augustan writer (notably as a historian), although he continued working on Geography during the first decade of Tiberius’ reign. 4 His Geography is the most important source for the cultural geography of the Greek and Roman world, as well as of the entire oikoumene in the Augustan age, in other words, the inhabited world as he and his contemporaries understood it.5 References to “his time” refer to the period from Pompey the 1 2 3 4 5

Pothecary 1997, esp. 235; Dueck 2000, 2. That Strabo’s birth should be placed in the years 64 or 63 was argued by Niese 1878, 37 ff. and id. 1883, 567–575, and widely accepted. Lindsay 2005. Rather than by a later editor, Engels 1999, 25. Engels 1999; Pothecary 2002. Lasserre 1982; Engels 1999; Dueck, Lindsay, Pothecary (eds.) 2005. For the concept of the oikoumene, see particularly Pothecary 1995.

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Great onwards. However, temporal phrases such as “our times” (καθ’ ἡμᾶς) do not indicate merely political events, but the cultural milieu of pre-Augustan and Augustan Empire. Thus Posidonius, who may have died when Strabo was born or a young boy, was also described as belonging to “our times” (16.2.10 C. 753). Augustan Rome as a political and cultural centre had a cosmopolitan character and was a second home for several distinguished individuals, who arrived there, as Strabo did, from Asia Minor and other Greek-speaking provinces. Pompey’s substantial reorganization of the Asian peninsula was probably the beginning of the period, which Strabo called “our age” or “my times”, and which should not be understood as meaning during his lifetime.6 In much the same way, the expression was also used by Polybius. Strabo variously described historical events, particularly those referring to Asia, as having taken place in “olden times” (πάλαι), or “in our times” (καθ’ ἡμᾶς), or “now” (νῦν). The latter two denote current events or a situation, which belonged to the time of Strabo’s composition of the Geography. Strabo also noted some events that occurred during his time in the regions along the lower Danube. Aelius Catus (Sex. Aelius Catus, consul in AD 4), who may have succeeded A. Caecina Severus as a legate of the Moesian army,7 or else was a praetorian proconsul of Macedonia, 8 transferred fifty thousand Getae across the Ister to Thrace. This most significant resettlement, by way of which the Roman state wanted to colonise empty areas on provincial territory, took place at some time between AD 2 and 13, possibly only a short time before the accession of Tiberius. The newly settled Getae were henceforth called Mysians, but they spoke the same language as the Thracians (7.3.10 C. 303).9 When Strabo listed renowned prophets pronouncing divine commandments (16.2.39 C. 762), he also made mention of Decaeneus, who was active “in his times” as a divinely inspired adviser to Byrebistas, the king of the Getae and Dacians. Strabo mentioned him again in the seventh book (7.3.5 C. 298).10 “Our times” also referred to Tiberius: Sardeis, which had recently been destroyed by an earthquake, was rebuilt by Tiberius, the ruler “in our times” (13.4.8 C. 627). 6

Pothecary 1997; she plausibly refuted the explanation of Niese 1878, and id. 1883, 567–575, who argued that this expression would have meant “in my lifetime”. See also Clarke 1997, 102 ff. 7 Papazoglou 1979, 232–233, following Syme 1971, 69–71; Thomasson 1991, 42–43. 8 Mrozewicz 1999, 103, with all relevant citations. 9 Syme 1991, 439–440 (successor of P. Silius ca. AD 3 or in AD 10–11); Papazoglou 1979, 232–233; Baladié 1989, 94 n. 2 (p. 193); Benea 1989; Mrozewicz 1999. 10 Baladié 1989, 95 notes 1, 7 (pp. 193–194).

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Strabo spent much time in Rome where he studied; he must have been in the capital for the first time when still very young, before the death of Publius Servilius Isauricus in 44 BC in Rome, whom he claimed to have seen. Strabo was also in Rome around 30 BC (6.2.6 C. 273), and perhaps in 7 BC and in AD 17. 11 Clearly, he was familiar with Latin, which can also be inferred from his use of the Latin sources, as for example Asinius Pollio, whom he cited for the length of the Rhine being 6000 stadia, which Strabo disputed (4.3.3 C. 193). Strabo knew Italy from personal visits,12 and travelled extensively in Asia Minor; he also visited Egypt, Kush, Arabia, Syria and Armenia, but as regards Illyricum, it can only be claimed that he probably visited Apollonia in southern Illyria, since he described so exactly the famous Egnatian Road (7.7.4 C. 323). 13 In AD 17, he again came to the capital, perhaps to prepare a final draft of his Geography, in which there are several data from the early Tiberian period. Although Strabo had at least partly collected material for his Geography earlier, he probably began working on it in the years 20 to 7 BC, after he had finished his historical work, which he referred to as completed (1.1.23 C. 13). Later, under Tiberius, he added some valuable data or may have even composed parts of the Geography under this emperor, as could be suggested by strange silences that would be better explicable under Tiberius than under Augustus. This refers particularly to Strabo’s silence over Germanicus and to many details concerning his eastern policy and activities that were passed over although it is evident that Strabo knew about them.14 Late events include the disastrous defeat of the Roman legions under Quintilius Varus in AD 9, and the great German victory of Germanicus in AD 17 (7.1.4 C. 291).15 Strabo also referred to the events related to the Suevi and Maroboduus; the king of the Marcomanni was politically and diplomatically an experienced statesman.16 Tiberius, who in AD 6 was on the point of attacking his kingdom, had to abandon the war against the king to cope with the Pannonian-Dalmatian Rebellion in Illyricum. Maroboduus was well aware how precarious it would be to join the revolt; therefore he agreed to conclude a treaty (a foedus aequum) with Tiberius. At a later date, however, due to the conflict with Arminius, Maroboduus was overthrown. Tiberius granted him exile in Ravenna, and eventually, the king 11 12 13 14 15

Dueck 2000, 85–86. Dueck 2000, 15–30, on Strabo’s travels. On the via Egnatia see, e.g., Deniaux 2002; Lolos 2009. Pothecary 2002; on Germanicus in the East particularly 414–425. Cf. Tacitus, Ann. 2. 41; Baladié 1989, 184,6. Germanicus was officially adopted by Tiberius in 4 BC. 16 Seager 2005, 33; Kovács 2014, 32.

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of the Quadi, Vannius, was installed on the throne in AD 19. This was achieved by Tiberius’ son Drusus during his second mission in Illyricum (AD 17–20), which ended in diplomatic success and ovatio.17 Strabo’s reference to Maroboduus implies that he was acquainted with the current events. Nonetheless, the fact that Strabo revised or possibly even composed large parts of his Geography in the first years of Tiberius’ reign did not alter the general “Augustan atmosphere” of the work. Most of the “dossier” for his Geography was collected by Strabo during the reign of Augustus when he had composed and finished his History; the Augustan imprint thus seems inevitable. This does not mean that he could not have added much data also during the first years of Tiberius’ reign, adapting several passages of his narrative to the new situation, created by current events.18 One of the dating clues in the text, indicating when he was actually writing it, is in his Book 4, dedicated to Transalpine Gaul and the central Alps, where he mentioned that the Vindolici, Raeti, and Noricans (including the Carni and Taurisci) had been defeated by Tiberius and Drusus, and since then had been living in peace for thirtythree years, regularly paying tributes (4.6.9 C. 206). This passage, which will be cited and briefly discussed in the chapter that follows, was written by Strabo in AD 18 or 19. The structure of the work, including internal summaries and cross-references, indicates that the Geography was written systematically and not over an overly long span of time, perhaps between the years 17 and 24 AD.19 This may also explain why Strabo could no longer provide for the distribution of his work, which remained largely unknown in antiquity.

Passages referring directly to Tiberius Augustus’ stepson Tiberius, one of the greatest generals in the history of the Roman Empire, was officially adopted by the emperor on 26 June AD 4, soon after the death of Gaius Caesar. Augustus, who was 66 years old at the time (and also adopted his grandson Agrippa Postumus), had, in reality, no other choice but to designate as his successor Tiberius, who not only belonged to his family but also possessed authority both in the senate and in the army. This was done rei publicae causa (Suet., Tib. 21.3; Vell. Pat. 2.104.1), and Tiberius, called vindex et custos imperii by Velleius (ibid.), was given both the tribunicia potestas, as well as a prolonged imperium 17 Hurlet 1997, 214–217; Kovács 2014, 37; 56–57. 18 As convincingly argued by Pothecary 2002. 19 Dueck 1999; Pothecary 2002, particularly 387–395.

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proconsulare. He had to adopt his nephew, Germanicus. 20 His reputation of a victorious general was based on several military campaigns, the first having been his mission in the East, which resulted in favourable diplomatic negotiations when in 20 BC he won back the military standards lost by Crassus in Parthia and established pro-Roman Tigranes on the throne in Armenia.21 One of his successful early campaigns, long before he became the reigning emperor,22 was the war against the Alpine peoples, conducted together with Drusus in 15 BC. 23 This war is also mentioned by Strabo when he outlined the geography of the Alpine regions. After having briefly described the Vindolici and Raeti, Strabo mentioned peoples that inhabited the regions next to those, already in the proximity of the Adriatic, some of the Norici, the Carni, and the Taurisci, who belonged to the Norici. He says: “Next are the Raeti and the Vindolici, who are settled in the regions to the east of the mountains and in the regions extending towards the south [...]The Vindolici and Norici mainly occupy the outer slopes of the mountains, along with the Breuni and the Genauni (these two peoples being Illyrians). All these peoples used to continually overrun the neighbouring territories, not only of Italy but also of the country of the Elvetii, the Sequani, the Boii and the Germans” (4.6.8 C. 206). Strabo’s description involves a large area, including peoples living far from each other; the mountains mentioned here are the Alps. After a short outline of the Vindolici, Strabo continued (4.6.9 C. 206): “Next to these peoples come those that dwell near the inner corner of the Adriatic and the regions near Aquileia, a part of the Norici and the Carni; the Taurisci also belong to the Norici. However, Tiberius and his brother Drusus stopped all of them in a single summer from their unchecked incursions; it is now thirty-three years since they have been living in peace and have been regularly paying tributes.” The short account of peoples is several times interrupted by references to their incursions and depredations, which is one of the characteristics of this chapter.24 The Vindolici or Vindelici, predominantly of Celtic origin, the Raeti (comprising several small indigenous pre-Celtic Alpine peoples, not well defined in terms of ethnicity),25 and other Alpine peoples were partly conquered in a most successful Alpine campaign in 16 BC by Publius 20 21 22 23 24 25

Kunst 2014, 166–167. Vell. 2.94; Suet., Tib. 9.1; Hurlet 1997, 84. Legally, but in uncertain and difficult circumstances, cf. Turcan 2015, 146–147. Bernecker 1989, 1–97; Zanier 2010. Radt 2006, 483; Löffl 2011, 124–125. Grimmeisen 1997; Löffl 2011, 178–197.

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Silius Nerva. This war, which enabled Tiberius and Drusus to obtain victories a year later, may have been triggered by the incursions of the Cammuni and Vennii into Transpadana, as well as certain Norici and Pannonians into Histria, as is mentioned by Cassius Dio (54.20.1–2). Silius Nerva was proconsul of Illyricum and one of the most experienced generals of Augustus, who must have been in charge of the safety of northern and northeastern Italy; the evidence, however, is scarce. 26 Victorious campaigns of Tiberius and Drusus, which are also commemorated on the Tropaeum Alpium at La Turbie above Monte Carlo,27 are called the Raetian and Vindelician war by Suetonius. 28 Interestingly, however, the war is termed Bellum Noricum (!) by Florus (2.22), whose brief description of reckless resistance of one of the Alpine tribes implies that it must have been extremely merciless. He mentioned that women also took part in the fighting, even sacrificing their children for the sake of freedom. The essence of Florus’ account, which sheds light on the cruelty of the Roman army, should be regarded as true and not merely a literary topos.29 All the peoples mentioned by Strabo in the cited passages were conquered during his lifetime, and the data concerning their contemporary administrative settlement must have been highly relevant when he composed his Geography, particularly Books 4 and 7. As has been noted, Strabo wrote the passage in AD 18 or 19.30 Strabo again spoke about the Raeti and Vindolici in the first chapter of book 7, perhaps intentionally, to again draw attention to Tiberius and the long-lasting peace established after his and his brother’s campaign in 15 BC.31 In this chapter, he described the broad region of the Hercynian Forest, a low mountain range between Switzerland and Romania, which cannot be exactly defined. He specifically mentioned the sources of the Ister and Rhenus (the Danube and the Rhine), as well as a large lake with an island, situated between the sources of these two rivers, present-day Bodensee (Lake Constance), called Lacus Brigantinus in antiquity.32 In the next sentence, Strabo added, somewhat contradictorily, that the lake lies to the south of the sources of the Ister. In 15 BC, Tiberius travelled one day to the north of Bodensee and discovered the 26 27 28 29

Cf. Syme 1956, 329 and his n. 4; Berchem 1...