Travel - Ancient and Modern readings of travel PDF

Preview

Summary

Travel – Ancient and Modern readings of travelHerodotus – The Histories After capturing Babylon, Darius wanted to attack the Scythians as revenge for unprovoked aggression – he had financial backing from Asian trade  Describes the treatment of Scythian slaves and the rituals behind it – milk and t...

Description

Travel – Ancient and Modern readings of travel Herodotus – The Histories           

           

After capturing Babylon, Darius wanted to attack the Scythians as revenge for unprovoked aggression – he had financial backing from Asian trade Describes the treatment of Scythian slaves and the rituals behind it – milk and the practice of blinding slaves p. 235 Scythian women had turned to slaves for sexual satisfaction as their husbands had been away at war for so long – new generation of children then resisted Scythian return by isolating their country p. 235 – 236 Scythian tactic changed from weapons to whips to remind the slaves that they were subservient and Herodotus claims the slaves fled p. 236 Scythians claim they are the “most recent race on earth” and Herodotus does not believe this – gives the detailed story p. 236 – 237 Greeks claim it was Heracles who first came to their country and explain the myth p. 237 – 238 Herodotus prefers the third version, which is that the land belonged to the Cimmerians before the Scythian invasion and explains this story – claims it was told by Greeks and non-Greeks p. 239 Herodotus criticises others such as Aristeas, on the basis that they are biased and not as well researched – 239 – 241 Demonstrates knowledge of his own limitations – “I cannot get information from anyone who claims to have first hand knowledge” – shows a historiographical way of thinking p. 241 Geographical and cultural talk including directions and old-fashioned ways of measuring time and distance p. 241 – 245 Herodotus comments on where his information comes from, such as stories about the Hyperboreans coming from Delos and tries to explain this through the travel of sacred objects, which demonstrates transport routes, relationships and trade – and explains other examples he has found too to back this point up p. 245 – 246 Condescending regarding maps of the world that have been drawn by the Hypernotians and Hypernoreans as they have muddled rivers and oceans and claims to have advanced knowledge which he “demonstrates” p. 247 – 248 Claims most of Asia was discovered by Darius due to his desire to explore and find out where the Indus River met the sea p. 249 Claims the origin of the name Europe is Asian and comes from Europa of Tyre but says he will refer to the standard names of continents – language is discursive p. 250 Argues that the Euxine Sea houses the “most ignorant people in the world” excluding the Scythians – very judgement – claims no tribe by the sea is intelligent apart from the Scythians too – he then claims that he doesn’t find Scythians impressive in other areas p. 250 Claims Scythians invented a way to ensure that anyone who attacks them cannot escape p. 250 Attempts to be scientific with geography p. 251 – 253 Talks about Scythian animal and human sacrifices p. 254 – 256 Talks about how Scythians handle prisoners and dead invaders, as well as what they do with the bodies, such as making bows out of them or uses skulls as cups p. 256 Scythians see it as honourable to kill an enemy a year and disgraceful not to, this is done in a ceremonial wine drinking once a year p. 256 Talks about Scythian practices if a king falls ill or dies and their reliance on divination p. 257 – 258 Comments on how the Scythians were against the idea of taking elements of other cultures and how this was not usual – they were specifically set against taking elements of Greek culture and goes into how p. 260 – 261 Mentions how reports on population size conflict when it comes to the Scythians p. 262

     

   

Comments on how Darius travelled and his preparations for the invasion of Scythia p. 263 – 266 Mentions how some tribes, such as the Getae, were more courageous in warfare as they believed in immortality and goes on to describe this belief p. 266 Uses speech which could not have been known – harks back to the story telling element of history at the time and takes away from the more scientific approach he had tried to adopt p. 267 Comments on the customs of the Taurian people, especially in regards to shipwrecked Greeks p. 269 Mentions how Cannibals are the most savage people on earth with “no sense of right or wrong” and how they have no traditions or rules p. 270 Scythians could not understand newcomers, their languages or customs – these were Amazons – did not realise they were women until they were dead after battle and decided to kill no more women and send a group of young men to them for them to do what they wanted with until children were created – talks of how the interactions occurred and how the Amazon women did not want to live amongst Scythian women as their customs were so different, and they agreed and moved with them p. 271 – 273 Claims tribe leaders got together for conferences p. 273 Mentions how the Persians were assisted and Scythians not in their war due to the sound of donkeys and the sight of mules as Scythians did not have the, and this, they did not know what they were p. 277 – 278 Talks in detail about the Scythian and Persian war p. 274 – 283 N.B. The further from Greece, the crazier the tales

Tacitus – Germania  

     

Looks at the geographical situation of Germania by eliminating what it is not such as Gauls – not actually specifying what it is p. 77 Germani are “indigenous” and have not “bred” with other peoples (could link that to ideas of a Master Race later down the line) – this was due to the rough sea conditions that made travel hard and the “unlovely” landscape and climate which held limited appeal to those who weren’t from the region – he agrees that there has been no intermarriage and that is a good thing and goes on to describe physical appearance as distinctly Arian p. 77 – 78 Claim they only have one type of historical tradition which is to celebrate Tuisto, an ancient God p. 77 Says that they believed Hercules lived amongst them – linking to Ancient Greek – and that he was their battle hero p. 78 Comments on how some believe Ulysses travelled to the area and that he even named some of the areas – an alter consecrated by him was apparently found – doesn’t try to refute or support this but seems less than convinced p. 78 Talks about the geography and flora of the area as well as the precious metals they have or, don’t have and how this impacts on trade, bartering, coins and weaponry p. 78 – 79 Kings are chosen from birth whereas generals are chosen on their actions – kings do not have unlimited power and generals lead by examples p. 80 Only priests can flog soldiers which implies a level of power for religious people – p. 80

Skinner – Invention of Greek Ethnography; from Homer to Herodotus (PDF)   

Greek ethnography defined as “the self-conscious prose study of non-Greek peoples” Interests in the field developed alongside a wider idea of Greek identity, which was solidified in the 5th century during the war with Persia, and brought together previously separated ideas Claims it is widely agreed that Greek ethnography paved the way to Great Historiography and this was partially due to the philologist and historian Felix Jacoby, which in turn made



 

  

             

Herodotus change from an ethnographer to a historian - also widely claimed that ethnography itself was a specifically Greek invention Argues that this impression overlooks and slides over many important issues so as to fit the narrative and, subsequently, simplifies many of the key issues – uses the example of did one historical event really cause interest in ethnography to explode or was there long-running trend towards this? Argues that ethnography and its expansion could have been a result of increased inter-cultural contact due to warfare The study of ethnography has changed hugely with the passing of time – it used to be used to describe investigative enquiry but can now be associated with empire and the descriptions and “scientific” study of indigenous people as primitive, however it has changed over recent years as empires have dissolved and is now used for further study into history, human geography and cultural studies James Clifford defined ethnography as a collection of “diverse ways of thinking and writing about culture” from the perspective of an outsider Claims Herodotus and ancient ethnography could be more modern than previously thought Argues that classicists are selective by nature when it comes to the criteria they base their definitions of ancient ethnographies on and these are rarely discussed, which could be deeply problematic and leaves a gap between the Clifford definition and what we look for in ancient ethnographic writing Argues we “need to first divest ourselves of a great deal of conceptual baggage as to what ethnography “proper” entails” in order to examine ancient historical writing for ethnological interest and how is was studied p. 8 The recovery of objects depicting foreign activities and peoples demonstrates interest in other cultures far beyond Greece – goes on to exemplify a few, and what they demonstrate, on pages 10 to 14 Skinner goes on to say that written work demonstrating this interest and the study of such objects is limited meaning it is a relatively unique response to cultural differences Pages 15 and 16 focus on a source that was a supposed experiment a king undertook to get two people, from the opposite ends of his kingdom, to switch ancestral cultures Discusses how poets and ethnographers, such as Herodotus and Pindar, shared similar sources and interests which impacts on “gauging the pervasiveness of ethnographic themes” Argues that ethnographies would have been encountered aurally or visually during events such as public speeches which could lend itself to being elite knowledge but is far from scientific or “rational” as ethnographies aim to be Literature can only provide us with a partial understanding and insight into the way identities were constructed meaning that a more diverse approach must be taken Questions the idea of Greek ethnography and identity as well as the functional status and its practice which undermines Jacoby’s theory as he based it on the idea of a coherent Greek identity which united people Classists and historians have been reluctant to talk about ideas of identity, largely due to empirical undertones, which means that these ideas have been varied and ill-defined – for detail, see pages 19 to 22 Argues that the way we look at surviving materials relating to the description of peoples is still dependent on a previous notion of Greek identity, and this is a problem as identities have become increasingly complex Uses Stuart Hall and his argument that identity is a production and is never complete and claims it is highly significant to how we study ancient cultures and how we study ancient ethnography It is important to consider what terms meant to people at the time vs what they mean to us today and how that impacted identity and how it perceived In the last decade there has been a rise in the study of the complexities of ancient identity Detail on Hellenic identity from P. 24 to 29 – focusses on the complexities and formation of such an identity

  

              



Jacoby was arguably responsible for establishing what constituted ethnographic study and we must establish, as historians, why he decided these The idea of there being “a gradual transition from ethnographic description to historical narrative was therefore of fundamental importance when it came to explaining the origins of Great Historiography” p. 32 Argues that Jacoby’s approach to ethnography was inconsistent and flawed but that he registered this and, subsequently, began to consider alternative ways by which ethnology and its study could be defined – he aimed to keep Herodotus in a position where he could be defined as such There has been limited study on Herodotus and Hecataeus evolving into historians until recently and has gone largely unnoticed, perhaps based on the assumption that Jacoby’s views didn’t change throughout his career, which is untrue Jacoby and many of his contemporaries had little reason to specifically define Greek identity which has subsequently led to issues and Hellenic culture was seen as a static, national culture Ethnography would have been easy to distinguish from horography as one was Greek focussed but it is harder to distinguish now Ethnography in part grew due to Empirical focus by the Great Powers and the subsequent growth of these empires and the national identities that formed as a result of them The colonial ideas of ethnography stemmed from the idea of an enlightened Greek predecessor which meant they were enlightened Europeans The movement of ethnography to a science did shape outlooks and approaches towards it as a subject and reminds us of the impacts that can be had when it is made into a hierarchical, divisive idea The traditional view of ethnography as part of Great Historiography ignores the fact that ethnography and the ethnographic activity is a process with no foreseeable endpoint The way ethnography is presented is inherently political and historical p. 43 A large number of analytic approaches are based on the idea of a homogenous, strictly defined “Greek” identity These studies can be found in non-stereotypical “Great Powers” also such as Egypt and it is crucial to consider location and time period when studying them Ethnographic interests are not just confined to one genre either, literary and archaeological evidence, as well as manners and customs, are all crucial to the study Homeric literature and how it links to Greek identity and the impact it has had on Greek thought is crucial to ethnographers – see P. 50 Edith Hall claims that Homer did not try to distinguish between Greek and non-Greek but Skinner argues that this is not the point of the text and to look at it that way is “both misguided and profoundly anachronistic” François Hartog argues that Greek identity is rooted in a self vs other idea and encourages readers to think beyond what is presented in the “text” and think about Homeric tendencies and how it relates to the self and group identity Some even argue that epic texts are themselves ethnographical – such as Carol Dougherty – as it focusses on self and a desire to demonstrate Greek greatness/oneness (same language) Further reading could include Edith Hall, Inventing the Barbarian

Thomas - “The Intellectual Milieu of Herodotus”   

Chapter focuses on Herodotus’ relationship with writers who came before and were contemporary to him. The Histories were probably composed over a 30 year period - c. 450-420 BC. Herodotus’ research and writings were not carried out in isolation - there were many other writers from Eastern Greece similarly engaged in cultural and intellectual writings. This means that we can challenge previous notions that Herodotus’ information is largely based on sources from Athens.

    







  

Herodotus’ attention to oral tradition, ‘wonders’ and religion places Herodotus closer to his predecessors such as Xenophanes, Heraclitus and Pythagoras than his successor, the historian Thucydides. Herodotus holds a “preference for the tangible, the visible, and the empirically verifiable against abstract, ‘invisible’ speculations”, although he does offer his own suggestions as to how natural events occur, e.g. explaining the Nile flooding. Thomas argues that Herodotus’ example hold a twin purpose of both entertainment and as a an attempt to understand and justify the natural world. This curiosity about nature can be compared to early medical writings and Sophist works – i.e. the Hippocratic Corpus. Climate and Geography have an important influence on the character of the people inhabiting those lands - pleasant lands (Ionia) produces a weak people, where harsher climates (Sparta) produces greater warriors and a more resilient population. Yet Thomas argues that Herodotus places greater emphasis overall on human agency and society in explaining historical phenomena, borrowing and extrapolating on earlier Hippocratic texts such as Airs, Waters, Places. His Hippocratic influences are further seen in his medical knowledge - ie his discussion of epilepsy or the effect of climate on human health. He shows knowledge of two different theories of the cause of disease, the first being food (an Egyptian theory, which he disagrees with) or climate (the Hippocratic theory). Herodotus wrote his longest pieces of description on Scythia, Libya and Egypt. This is supposed to be because these areas “already formed part of the Greek inquiries into the nature of the world and of human health, part of the world of contemporary science as well as older geography”. Elements of Herodotus’ language and construction of his narratives can be linked to certain of the fifth-century Sophists - Protagoras, Prodicus or Hippias. While he does not explicitly share more extreme sophist beliefs, he shows an awareness and engagement with these theories. Herodotus’ sophistic influences are most present, Thomas argues, in his discussion and examples as the importance of human customs ( nomoi) - the example given here is the differences between Greek and Indian customs for dealing with deceased parents. Herodotus’ presentation of his material, especially his acknowledgement of sources, is largely original. According to Fowler, Herodotus “invented the problem of sources” by acknowledging their existence and their limitations. In conclusion, Herodotus engages with a pre-existing intellectual milieu, yet his application of science to the treatment of the past is his own original ideas.

Nino Luraghi - “Meta-historie: Method and genre in the Histories”  

Herodotus in unusual in his consistent use of the first-person, sometimes to pass a judgement, but most often to describe how he came across his source-material. Herodotus is keen to explicitly show who or how he got the information for his stories - this narrative of source-collective running alongside the actual Histories themselves Luraghicallsthemeta-historie. Thistakesthreeforms: o Oral information (akoe) - used in discussion of Argos and Xerxes. o Personal eyewitness testimony (opsis) - present in his description of Pharaoh o o



Mycerinus Herodotus’ own reasoning. (gnome) - Discussion of the Nile flood and comparison to the Danube

The three categories have their weakness but complement each other in the pursuit of historie (inquiry).

 





   

These ‘cognitive instruments’ also link Herodotus back to earlier Greek philosophers, such as Heraclitus of Ephesus, as well as show him being aware of contemporary advances in rhetoric and philosophy by the Hippocratic medical treatises. Herodotus the Oral Historian o Jan Vansina developed a methodology for the use of oral traditions in history writing, which could be applied to Herodotus and to investigate the importance of the oral tradition. Vansina’s method should that the Histories is “best understood as originating from oral communication and transmission”. o Herodotus’ references to oral informants as a collective and cohesive group is “too good to be true”, and should not be treated as a literal indication of how he collected his information. o So do we treat his references to oral source collecting to be a rhetorical device to cheat his audience or as an early form of source referencing? A map of knowledge o Oral statements (akoe) plant the suggestion that locals are best informed about themselves and local affairs. o Herodotus probably did not intend akoe to be taken by his audience as a realistic depiction of his source gathering, but more likely a general reminder as to nature of the information in general. Author and authority o Herodotus makes clear that he intends to record all stories told, even if they are not necessarily true. Suggesting that the author invites the reader to make their own conclusions as to its validity. o The d...