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I. Introduction 1.1. The Meaning of Power in International Relations Power is one of the key concepts of the international relations theory and in many aspects it is the cornerstone of political science. This is because political science is about power and patterns of power applications- who gets what, how and when (R. Dahl 1957). Scholars of International Relations use two basic definitions of power: first, power as an actor’s ability to exercise influence over other actors, usually states with in the international system or other state. And they argue that such power is divided into many aspects- military, economic, human minds etc. The second definition is that it is a state with a certain potential to influence the international system. For these scholars there are several types of power depending on the amount of capabilities- superpowers, great powers, middle powers etc. (Ibd). The importance of power in the international politics, as the key aspect and driver of any actor’s policy, is determined by the structure of the entire international system. The international system is the context of action, international politics in which every state is acting in promoting its national interest, and power is the instrument to promote its national interest and to achieve the states’ goal (H. Morgenthau1985: 32). Therefore, power is a control capacity or ability to establish the state’s expected consequences, power, which mostly represents a decision making process and its results. The other meaning of power is that it is a relation between actors in which some compel the others to implement something that otherwise they do not do so (R. Dahl 1962). For K. Waltz (1979), power in the international relations means the influence over formally equal and independent actors in an anarchic environment without governing superstructures. This definition is based on the assumption that finally all states are equal, but their capabilities are different. And (K waltz 1979) argues that the essential meaning of capability is power of the state. According to this, the main goal is national security- deterrence of other actors’ behaviors and threats (H. Morgenthau 1985). 1|P age

2. Conceptualizing Power The early thinkers of international relation considered power as the key driver of international politics. From the beginning of political science, power was considered as the main driver and nations could be taken account of all aspects of other nations’ power (Reza Kaviani, 2016). In terms of anarchic environment power and fear rather than rules and any other factors regulate interaction between actors. Therefore, this simple conclusion has become the cornerstone of international relations. According to H. J. Morgenthau 1948, human nature is at the base of international relations and human beings are self-centered and power seeking that could easily result in aggression. He further argues political society is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature and power comprises anything that establishes and maintains the control of a state over state (Ibid). To H. Morgenthau, the international political arena is a struggle for power In that what the ultimate aims of international politics, power is always the immediate aim. The world has anarchic system- there is no world government. For him it is rather a system of sovereign and armed states facing each other (H. Morgenthau 1948 p 29). With the anarchic nature of the world politics, there is perpetual struggle of states for power hegemony and survival (Ibid).

2.2. Power in Realism Approach Realism is often associated with “Realpolitik” as they both are based on the management of the pursuit, possession and application of power by actors. Realism is a particular paradigm, wider theoretical and methodological framework, aimed at describing, explaining, examining and predicting events in the international relations arena (Bachrach, P and Baratz, M.S., 1962). For realism mankind is not inherently benevolent but rather self-centered and competitive, (E.H. Carr 1946), they further explain that states, the main actors in an anarchic international system, are inherently aggressive and obsessed with security (Ibid). 2|P age

According to Edward H. Carr, power regulates all aspects of international politics, including moral and laws, which reflects, the current distribution of power (H. Carr 1946). For him, there is no universal moral and no international laws in the international relations. Those morals and laws which are dominant belong to states which represent the power to promote and defend them over others (Ibid).

2.3. Key Assumptions of Realism For realists, states work to increase their own power relative to other states. And above all things they focus on state security and power- mainly military power (Aigerim R. 2015). According to Keohane, Robert O., (1986), this conclusion is based on the following key assumptions: A. States are the key units of action in the international political arena. B. States seek power, either as an end in itself or as means to other ends. C. States behave in ways that are large, rational and comprehensive to others in rational terms. Classical realism basically focused on the capacity of deterrence in terms of the concept of power. Security and power had often been used as synonym and particularly military power was the link between security and power (Morgenthau, 1985). Because Morgenthau (Ibid: 32) defined power as control over other’s behavior, this could be compatible with Dahl’s definition. According to this, the main goal is national security, namely, deterrence of other actors’ behaviors and threads. (Edward H. Carr 2001: 109) also focused on deterrence, when he emphasized the last way war should be used. In the Hobbesian state of nature, Thomas Hobbes assumes three things. First, “Men are equal”- the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest, either by secret machination or by confederacy with others. Second, “they interact in anarchy”- men live without a common power to keep them all in awe. Finally, “they are driven in competition, difference and glory.” Therefore, these conditions lead to war of all against all (Theories of International Relations, third ed. (2005, p 32)).

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3. The Balance of Power and Realism The term balance of power actually comes from the realism school of thought who assumes that man lives in a state of anarchy and that states act as rational individuals, being motivated by the need to maximize their power (H. Morgenthau 1985). Balance of power in international theory suggests that national security enhanced when military capability is distributed so that no one state is strong enough to dominated all others (Ibid). This definition indicates that if a state becomes much stronger, it takes advantage of its strength and attacks the weaker states. For realists this kind of aggression can be averted only when there is equilibrium of power between the rival coalitions (Brown, Chris, 2004). When states are confronted by a significant external threat, they look to form alliances which may balance their power (Ibid). Therefore, balancing is defined as allying with others against the prevailing threat. 1.

“Balance of Power is such a ‘just equilibrium’ in power among the members of the family of nations as will prevent any one of them from becoming sufficiently strong to enforce its will upon others.” (Sidney B. Fay)

2. “Balance of Power is equilibrium or a certain amount of stability in power relations that under favorable conditions is produced by an alliance of states or by other devices.” (George Schwarzenberger) 3. “Balance of Power is such a system in which some nations regulate their power relations without any interference by any big power. As such it is a decentralized system in which power and policies remain in the hands of constituting units.” (Inis Claude) 4. “Balance of Power means “the maintenance of such a just equilibrium between the members of the family of nations as should prevent any one of them from becoming sufficiently strong to impose its will upon the rest.” (Lord Castlereagh) 5. “Whenever the term Balance of Power is used without qualification, it refers to an actual state of affairs in which power is distributed among nations with approximately equality.” (Hans. J. Morgenthau)

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All the above definitions show that the term balance of power has been defined differently by different scholars. As we can see some of the definitions are in terms of equilibrium, where others in terms of dis-equilibrium, some others define it as a system or policy of states. According to Classical realists, the intention of political leaders plays a pivotal role and restricts the kind of relationships made with other nations. The concept of ware is less important than Balance of power, as it causes clashes rather than war. As there is issue of statesmen striving to thrive in their political actions, there is impact on the decisions and successful actions out to be initiated by the statesman, which is the primary reason for diversity in decision making with respect to different countries. In view of Neo-realists, states balance power in two ways: (i) Internal Balancing and (ii) External Balancing. By way of internal balancing states increase their own capacities by raising economic growth and military spending, leading to more economic and military stability and becoming relatively powerful. As a mode of external balancing, states enter into alliances with other states, to regulate and keep a check on the power of other alliances and more powerful states (Ashworth, Lucian M., 2002). According to Neo-realists there are three possible systems depending on the changes in allocation of capabilities, within the international system basically regulated by the number of dominant powers in the system. A unipolar system has only one great power, a bipolar system has two great powers, and a multipolar system has more than two great powers. Neorealists conclude that bipolar system is less prone to great power war and systemic change, as such, more stable than a multipolar system because balancing can only occur through internal balancing as there are no extra great powers in the international system to form alliances with. As there is only internal balancing in a bipolar system, rather than external balancing and internal balancing, there is less opportunity for miscalculations and therefore less chance of great power war (Booth, Ken, 1996). Best example can be the status quo ante of the cold war period. Balance of Power is a theory of state behavior; states act to preserve a balance of power in the system. There are two basic ways of balancing power among states in the international system: 1) By increasing their own military capabilities.; or 2) By creating alliances as a

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policy, balance of power suggests that states counter any threat to their security by allying with other threatened states.

4. Conclusion Indeed the concept of Balance of Power is bound to continue so long as the struggle for power among nations continues to characterize international relations. Even the staunch critics of Balance of Power admit that Balance of Power is still a basic element in international relations. Balance of power is neither totally obsolete nor dead. Its role, however, has changed from a global device to a regional device of power management. Classical realism and the balance of power theory offer fundamental propositions about the international system. It gives us an understanding of the nature of man, the state and the international system, and why war occurs and how it could be avoided. Although explanations of various issues and situations are clearly ambiguous, classical realism and the balance of power theory help to understand our system better. Carr states that where "utopianism has become a hollow and intolerable sham, which serves merely as a disguise for the interests of the privileged; the realist performs an indispensable service in unmasking this sham, which is even a product of realism itself" (Carr, 1946). Thus, as realism remains a leading paradigm of our times, it is certainly worth deepening our understanding of its potential contributions to the creation of a more stable future.

5. Recommendations Even H. Morgenthau himself believed that Balance of Power is uncertain because its operation depends upon an evaluation of power of various nations. And since the evaluation of the national power of a nation is always uncertain, no nation can afford dependence upon the balance of power. Therefore, in practice it is not possible to have an absolutely correct evaluation of power of a state. The structure of international politics has undergone a radical change from the classical period. From the narrow European dominated international system now it is becoming to be a truly global system in which Asian, African and Latin American states enjoy a new and added importance. Today the West is no longer the center of world politics. Western politics constitutes only one small segment of international politics. This 6|P age

change has considerably reduced the operation ability of balance of power. For this is certain, states should focus on the advancement of their economic development through trade and regional cooperation

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6. References  Books, magazines, Articles and Research Papers 1. Ashworth, Lucian M., (2002). “Did the realist–idealist great debate really happen?,” International Relations, Vol. 16, No. 1. 2. Bachrach, P. and Baratz, M.S., 1962. Two Faces of Power. American Political Science Review. 3. Booth, Ken, “75 Years On: Rewriting the Subject’s Past - Reinventing the Future’ in Smith, Steve,” 4. Booth, Ken and Zale ski, Maryssa, (eds.), (1996). International Theory: Positivism and Beyond, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, , 5. Booth, Ken and Steve Smith, (eds.), (1995). International Relations Theory Today. Cambridge: Polity Press. 6. Brown, Chris, Understanding International Relations, (2004). Palgrave Macmillan, US, 7. Carr Hallet, Edward, (1946). The Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939. New York: St Martin's Press Inc. 8. Dahl, R. (1957) ‘The Concept of Power’. Behavioral Sciences. 9. Morgenthau. J., Hans, (1946). Scientific Man vs. Power Politics. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 10. Morgenthau, Hans J., (1948). Politics Among Nations, Mc Graw - Hill, New York. 11. Morgenthau, Hans, (1954). Politics among Nations. 2nd edition. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 12. Morgenthau J. Hans, (1985). Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 13. Reza Kaviani, (2016). The Concept of Power in International Relations. International Journal of Political Science ISSN: 2228-6217 Vol.7, No 2, Summer 2017, (pp.29-36) 14. Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, (Fifth Edition), (2013). International Relations: Theories and Approaches. Oxford University Press. 15. Keohane, R., and Martin, L., (1995). The Promise of Institutionalist Theory. International Security,

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16. Scott Burchill, Andrew Linklater, Richard Devetak, Jack Donnelly, Matthew Paterson Christian Reus-Smit and Jacqui True, (2005). Theories of International Relations (Third edition) Palgrave Macmillan. 17. Steven E. Lobell, (2017). Balance of Power Theory. 18. Stephen Mcglinchey, Rosie Walters and Christian Scheinpflug (Ed.), (2017). International Relations Theory. Bristol, England. 19. Waltz, Kenneth (1959). Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis. New York: Columbia University Press. 20. Waltz, Kenneth, (1979). Theory of International Politics. New York: Random House.

 Internet sources 1. Interviews with Robert Jervis, John Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt, and Kenneth Waltz – http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/conversations/alpha.html 2. Introduction to realism – www.geocities.com/virtualwarcollege/ir_realism.htm 3. Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy attempts to push US foreign policy in a realist direction –www.realisticforeignpolicy.org/ 4. http://www. Encyclopaedia Britannica .org/IR_Realism_Theories/Power politics/Balance_of_Power/ 5. http://www.answers.com/topic/balance-of-power dated 7.4.2007.

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