Black legend Final essay PDF

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The Black Legend: Spanish Colonisation and the Inquisition Word Count: 3061 Historians must be able to critically analysis sources, while simultaneously practising introspection to examine their own predispositions. Unfortunately, the recording and academic study of history is not without bias, be it intentional or otherwise. While primary sources are often considered the most valuable and useful tool for historians, they must also be studied within the context of their production. Similarly, historians do not write outside the influence of their environment, often allowing for contemporary beliefs to permeate into their work. In no other historical period is this more apparent than in that of the Spanish Colonisation of the Americas and the Inquisition. During and after the period, negative expectations of the Spanish snowballed into stereotypes and commonly held beliefs, despite little to no empirical evidence to verify this sentiment. Historic accounts and modern interpretations of the Kingdom’s actions during the 16th and 17th Centuries reflect this phenomenon, and deeply distort Spain’s legacy at home and abroad into one of violence, genocide, and corruption. This concept has been dubbed the Black Legend or La Leyenda Negra, and it traces its origin to a combination of factors. Most significantly, the creation of strong national and religious identities during the period encouraged the formation of triballike competition between Spain and other European powers. While nations jockeyed for political and imperial dominance, records were adjusted to negatively portray opponents. Not only does this complicate the reading and application of primary sources, the sentiment they create has often been carried forward and become common knowledge, deeply impacting the modern collective memory. Additionally, it would appear that historians have often knowingly or unknowingly ignored sources which portray the Spanish favourably, opting instead to only examine those relevant to their thesis. While it is common for academics to pick and choose their sources to best benefit their argument, rarely has it been done to such a severe degree within a single period of history. Through the examination of historiography

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and primary sources, this essay aims to highlight the steps more recent historians have taken to dispel rumours of Spanish brutality in the hopes of reaching a more complete picture of the Empire’s history. The 16th Century brought about aggressive competition within Europe. Traditional monarchies consolidated power politically, militarily, and religiously, and began to transform themselves from isolated nations to empires. The presence of imperialism only further complicated this dynamic, as expansion was seen as the quintessential symbol of dominance and strength. England, Spain, France, and Portugal scrambled to seize land in the New World as a way of enlarging their borders, but also their national influence. This sense of rivalry gave way to the formation of strong national identities, which only heightened competition by encouraging discriminatory rhetoric between members of opposing states. This is best demonstrated by the words of Oliver Cromwell in the 17th century, who in a speech to Parliament stated: “your great enemy is the Spaniard. He is. He is a natural enemy, he is naturally so.”1 Statements like this are considered the building blocks of a nation, according to political scientist Walker Connor. Essentially, in order for a group to establish a consolidated identity based upon national and ethnic labels, they must first determine what “they are not,” by forming strong a disagreement to opposing groups.2 This phenomena could also be labelled by the psychological term “groupthink,” which produces a number of effects, but most apt for this context a “belief in the inherent morality of the group [and] stereotypes of outgroups.”3 The English undoubtedly formulated a negative outlook of most other European powers, classifying them as outgroups, as they attempted to solidify their own identity. Publications which encouraged this sort of thinking were not uncommon during the period within England, often taking aim at the Welsh, Scottish, and French, but there would 1 2 3

Thomas Burton, Diary of Thomas Burton. (Colburn, 1828), p. 150. Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: the Quest for Understanding. (Princeton, 1994), p. 103. Marlene E. Turner, "Threat, Cohesion, and Group Effectiveness: Testing a Social Identity Maintenance Perspective on Groupthink", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 63, no. 5, (1992), p. 781-796.

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appear to be a particular focus upon the Spanish.4 Historian Eric Griffen notes that the concept of “non-Spanishness” gave the English their “surest sense of national identity.”5 In whole, it could be argued that the entire industry of English writing was soured by this sentiment, strongly impacting a historian’s ability to draw any sort of meaningful conclusion from works published during the period. It can be seen that a negative attitude towards the Spanish was created as a political tool for the English government to gain favour domestically and abroad. However, it can also be argued that this attitude trickled down into the English zeitgeist, influencing popular culture well into the modern day through globalisation and British influence. The reinforcement of these ideas through drama, television, and film would make them almost subconscious in nature. In Eric Griffen’s book The Specter of Spain, he calls the works of Thomas Kyd, Christopher Marlowe, and William Shakespeare, arguably the most notable playwrights of the 17th century, a means of “disseminating” anti-Spanish sentiment.6 This is reflected in films of the 20th and 21st Century, which consistently cast Spaniards as villains. Samuel Amago studied this trend by specifically analysing the career of Sergi López, an actor who has worked in Spain, France, and Britain over a twenty year period, and yet his most consistent and recognizable role is that of the antihero.7 While it could be argued that this study’s limited scope prevents it from being wholly conclusive for the film industry at large, it does indicate, at least to some degree, a tradition of inadvertently or purposefully maintaining negative stereotypes of the Spanish, not only within Britain, but the rest of Europe. Arguably, this sort of reinforcement would create an expectation that Spaniards were

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Eric Griffin, "From Ethos to Ethnos: Hispanizing "the Spaniard" in the Old World and the New", CR: The New Centennial Review, vol. 2, no. 1 (2002), p. 69-116. Griffin, "From Ethos to Ethnos", (2002), p. 69-116. Eric Griffin, English Renaissance Drama and the Specter of Spain: Ethnopoetics and Empire. (Philadelphia , 2011) Samuel Amago, "Why Spaniards make Good Bad Guys: Sergi López and the Persistence of the Black Legend in Contemporary European Cinema", Film Criticism, vol. 30, no. 1, (2005), pp. 4163.

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violent and unjust, and this thinking would be applied to other disciplines, most significantly the study of history. It would appear, that the Black Legend is not only an appropriate label for the perception of the Spanish Empire during its height, but also today. Religion also played a key role in the seemingly negative perception of the Spanish. By the 16th Century, Spain was already politically dominant within Europe, but this, combined with its fierce loyalty to the Catholic Church, made them especially displeasing to England. Again, Cromwell can attest to this displeasure stating: “we have not to do with any Popish state.”8 Religion had become a powerful tool to solidify monarchical authority. The added political implications made the expansion of Protestant religions aggressive, and the Catholic response was equally hostile. This led to a considerable number of regional disputes, as groups decided whether to covert to or reject the new religion. Consistently, the two global powers that seemed connected to these events were the English and Spanish. For example, Ireland maintained Catholicism in the face of fervent oppression, resulting in the Gaelic Irish routinely contacting the Spanish for military and political support, which was strongly disliked by the English.9 Similarly, when the predominantly Protestant Dutch revolted against Spanish rule they were supported by the English. Clearly, as religious identification became more politicized, there was a desire to quickly attain and maintain allies of the same faith. This competition encouraged the publication of slanderous accounts from both sides, but a particularly large number were anti-Spanish. This can be explained by the power and influence of the Protestant press, which prior to the 17th Century was already producing the majority of printed material in order to encourage conversion.10 The domination of Protestant

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Thomas Burton, Diary of Thomas Burton. (Colburn, 1828), p. 151. “Ireland & Spain”, History Ireland, Vol. 9, no. 3, (2001), p. 5. John N. King, “Freedom of the Press, Protestant Propaganda, and Protector Somerset”, Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 40, no. 1, (1976), p. 1–9.

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printing capabilities meant that inflammatory accounts were easily prepared for mass distribution, William S. Maltby called the sheer volume of text “astonishing.”11 The desire to accomplish a completely Catholic population within the Spanish Empire was clearly fuelled by political reasons, encouraging efforts during the Inquisition and the colonisation of the Americas. However, the study of religion within a modern context is not without controversy as the understandings of conversion and religious persecution have changed. In the case of the Inquisition, the persecution of Jews during the trials has been classified as highly anti-Semitic. Benzion Netanyahu, an Israeli historian, concluded that the Inquisition as a whole was a backlash against the Jews, arguing it may be the root of Anti-Semitic feelings within Europe.12 However, Kamen has responded by stating that this view is influenced by the impact of the Holocaust on the memory of historians, noting that the relationship between the Inquisition and anti-Semitism only began being studied in the 19th Century.13 More than likely the downfall of the Jews was the product of economic and social envy, as they often held higher positions due to great personal wealth. An expulsion of Jews on the grounds of debt collecting was not uncommon throughout Europe, seen in England and France during the same period. It would appear that the Inquisition was truly of its time, and its actions should not be removed from their historic and cultural context. The contentious issue of religious conversion also suffers under a widely held assumption of violence. In a modern context, religious conversion, forced or otherwise, is often considered a destruction of pre-existing, native cultures and carries a generally negative sentiment. This can frequently influence historians to conclude that Spanish efforts to convert natives in the Americas were fundamentally wrong. It can be difficult to determine someone’s 11 12 13

William S. Maltby, The Black Legend in England; the Development of Anti-Spanish Sentiment, 1558-1660. (Duke, 1971), p. 4. B. Netanyahu, The Origins of the Inquisition in Fifteenth Century Spain. (New York, 1995). Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: a Historical Revision. (Yale, 1997).

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motivation for converting, but even one made for social or economic reasons should still be considered “a legitimate and ethical exercise of personal freedom.”14 The issue becomes when a conversion is coerced from an individual using threats of violence, so one must study the actions of Spanish officials to quell suspicions of brutality. Within the Americas, it has been demonstrated that Spanish efforts to ensure Catholicism was unilaterally accepted by subjects was not as sinister as many were led to believe. Gregory Murry proposed that Protestant scholars constructed two, equally negative views of the efforts of Catholics in the Americas in an effort to slander the Spanish.15 Initial reports provided by Bartolomé de las Casas in the Account of the Destruction of the Indies in 1552, stated that the natives had rejected Christianity because the Spaniards were such barbarians; any religion they practised was equally corrupt.16 Despite accounts of successful conversions, these were determined to be in name only to avoid the tyranny of the encroaching Spanish. This narrative greatly benefitted English propaganda and was reiterated in the work of Thomas Adams in 1633 who stated that “the poor Indian refused to go to heaven… if Spaniards should be there.”17 However, José de Acosta’s Natural and Moral History of the Indians published in 1590 noted that violence was a hindrance to the conversion effort, and the societies which were the easiest to persuade were those with the most sophisticated political system and language, specifically the groups within Mexico and Peru.18 Essentially, the Spanish excelled in introducing Christianity when there was an opportunity for mutual communication, indicating conversions were not forced but

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“Rethinking Religious Conversion.” Economic Political Weekly, Vol. 43, no. 42, (2008), p. 5–6. G. Murry, "“Tears of the Indians” or Superficial Conversion?: José de Acosta, the Black Legend, and Spanish Evangelization in the New World", The Catholic Historical Review, vol. 99 no. 1, (2013), pp. 29-51. G. Murry, "“Tears of the Indians” or Superficial Conversion?", The Catholic Historical Review, (2013), pp. 29-51. Thomas Adams, Exposition Upon the Second Epistle General of St. Peter. (London, 1633), p. 7. Thomas Adams, Exposition Upon the Second Epistle General of St. Peter. (London, 1633), p. 447.

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encouraged. It should also be noted, that the largest number of conversions were accomplished in communities whose pre-existing religion inadvertently corresponded to the narratives within the Bible.19 However, this revelation was quickly pounced upon by English Protestants as evidence that Catholicism was no different from a Pagan religion.20 It would appear, that any effort to convert Indians within the New World would be misconstrued as evidence of Spanish and Catholic evil. Similarly, the Inquisition was accused of using heinous acts of violence to force confessions and conversions, with frequent mass executions, and an illogical system of courts. However, there is little evidence for this narrative outside of Protestant propaganda. Croft uses the examples of English traders living in Spain during the period to depict a Spanish government that was largely ambivalent to a foreign, Protestant presence, noting that when they were cast out of the kingdom in 1625, it was due to their nationality not their religion.21 It would appear, that the Inquisition was not a tyrannical machine, incapable of considerate thought, but rather a reasonable system of checks. This is supported by the fact that the vast majority of people prosecuted were acquitted, many being falsely accused of heresy by a jealous neighbour or acquaintance. Significantly, the “Inquisition did not impose torture or the death penalty at rates that exceeded those of the civil courts,” so this sentiment of fear and hysteria was largely misplaced. In total, through an examination of court documents, from 1540 to 1700 only 775 people (1.6%) were put to death, and only 700 more (1.4%) were sentenced to death by effigy.22 This is less than five executions a year.

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G. Murry, "“Tears of the Indians” or Superficial Conversion?", The Catholic Historical Review, (2013), pp. 29-51. G. Murry, "“Tears of the Indians” or Superficial Conversion?: José de Acosta, the Black Legend, and Spanish Evangelization in the New World", The Catholic Historical Review, vol. 99 no. 1, (2013), pp. 29-51. Pauline Croft, “Englishmen and the Spanish Inquisition 1558-1625”, The English Historical Review, Vol. 87, no. 343, (1972), p. 249–268. William E. Monter, “The New Social History and the Spanish Inquisition”, Journal of Social History, Vol. 17, no. 4, (1984), p. 705–713.

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The importance of primary sources cannot be understated. However, during the period, many questionable primary sources were celebrated, reprinted, and cited by historians. For example, one of the most frequently discussed primary sources produced during colonisation was Las Casas’ Account of the Destruction of the Indies, which has already been shown to heavily influence and provide affirmation for English propaganda. His position and nationality provided the publication a degree of authority that made it unquestionable, as it would have been uncommon for someone so prominent to so strongly challenge their own government. Historian Benjamin Keen notes specifically that Las Casas’ position protected him from published criticism, and by the time other Spaniards came forward to refute his claims, the Empire was already in decline.23 However, Las Casas’ work still warrants examination, as his book is a first hand account. Additionally, most historians would classify his critical view of his own government and people a benefit, as he would have no reason to disparage it for political gain. Christopher Hodgkins states that “although Las Casas tends to exaggerate meekness in order to magnify Spanish evil, he is nevertheless a compelling and often accurate chronicler.”24 This description complicates the idea of the Black Legend as it suggests that there is some truth to accounts of Spanish brutality and acts of genocide. However, it would appear that Las Casas exaggerated more than just the position of the natives, as he often overestimated the number of Indian deaths, some say by as much as 200 percent.25 Furthermore, many specific tales of horror within his work have been described as imagined, often encouraged by his informants.26 It should also be observed that Las Casas was a religious man who would have been extremely critical of conversion

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Benjamin Keen, “The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and Realities”, Vol. 49, no. 4, (1969), p. 703–719. Christopher Hodgkins, “The Uses of Atrocity: Satanic Spaniards and Hispanic Satans from Las Casas to Milton”, Mediterranean Studies, Vol. 8, (1999), p. 175–192. Benjamin Keen, “The Black Legend Revisited”, (1969), p. 703–719. “Tales tremendismos (elaborados por Las Casas o por sus informantes, sobre algunos crímenes reales u otros imaginario.)” José De Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies. (Duke University Press, 2002), p. 322.

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techniques, believing whole-heartedly in the word of God, he would have not been impressed by those encouraging conversion for social, economic, and political reasons. A work comparable in influence during the Inquisition was the Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes, which is difficult to trace as its author is unknown; many believing that it was a combined effort between Protestant, Spanish scholars Casiodoro de Reina and Antonio del Corro.27 The work included a discussion of the methods of the Inquisition and then a full list of martyrs in its final pages. However, without a clearly outlined author, it can be difficult to assess the truthfulness of the account, but A. Gordan Kinder acknowledges that its initial publication in Latin meant it was intended for educated men to read and disseminate, going so far to say that it was meant as a warning to other Protestant areas.28 This sort of thinking may suggest that a heightened reality would be presented in order to best scare the reader. Significantly, between 1568 and 1570 it was twice published in English, once is French, three times in Dutch, fours times in German, and once in Hungarian, reflecting the widespread impact of the work.29 It should also be noted that portions of it were routinely reproduced in other works, most notably John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs. Written from a Protestant perspective, the publication would undoubtedly attempt to emphasise instances of Spanish brutality, which is only su...