Final Final Essay Africa PDF

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final essay on fashion and consumption in african cities - covering sapeurs, bluffeurs, second hand clothing industry...

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Has consumption of Western fashion helped form a sense of identity for people in contemporary African cities? Consumption of Western fashion throughout Africa has increased dramatically in recent decades; however is there reason to believe that this consumption has led to a formation of a sense of identity? Throughout this paper both negative and positive views of consumption of Western fashion shall be discussed, with specific reference to the second hand clothing industry that has grown dramatically in Africa in recent years (Hansen, 2000). In addition, the philosophical concept of ontology and the theory of semiotics shall be explored in order to discuss whether clothing on the surface truly represents who you are underneath. Specific ethnographic study involving the sapeurs aims to further detail the formation of identity through clothing that has specifically taken inspiration from mainland Europe, in this case Paris. During the 1980s, Zambians living in both urban and rural areas became increasingly dependent on imports of second hand clothing in terms of both earning a living and dressing themselves. Before the 1980s, Zambians chose to hide their use of second hand clothing as they were ashamed of it, however as the economy declined and ideas surrounding fashion changed; used clothing became a commodity (Hansen, 1994). In the early 1990s, many garment and textile factories shut down due to bankruptcy while simultaneously, imports of second hand clothing rose and it was soon the most common item distributed amongst markets in Zambia (Hansen, 2004). Second hand clothing also ceased to be referred to as such; instead it became known as salaula meaning ‘to select from a pile’ (Hansen, 2000). Many citizens welcomed salaula as it was a gateway to new, affordable items that allowed them basic clothing in addition to satisfying their fashionable desires. It was welcomed so well that in Lusaka markets, the salaula areas were often bigger than the food sections (Hansen, 1994) which demonstrates the increasing importance of this trade as well as the growing significance of personal style in the city. Hansen 1

15045002 (2004) also conducted research in some large markets of rural towns outside of Lusaka and found that many people were being paid to distribute salaula, despite Zambia’s declining economy. This portrays just how instrumental this industry has been in forming a sense of identity amongst African people; although Zambia was in a state of economic crisis at the time due to the decline in world copper prices which resulted in the country experiencing deep recession, citizens were still able to create jobs for themselves and add fashion to their wardrobes. This allowed them to express their individuality and therefore their identity. Hansen (2004) also found that these people from smaller rural towns adore salaula because every item is different and the variety of clothes allows them to dress smartly; evidently salaula aids the formation of identity and lets those from low-income areas display their resourcefulness and harness their innate creativity in making something new out of something old. As aforementioned, the textile and garment manufacturing industry suffered in Zambia in the 1980s. Although not primarily due to the legalisation of salaula, it can be agreed that this introduction of new commodities would not have helped the industry in succeeding. However, a few manufacturing businesses remained despite complaining to the government about how these imports of second-hand clothing had jeopardized their industry; one business owner pleaded with the State to “create a level playing field” (Hansen, 2004, p.5) either by prohibiting imports or increasing tax on imported clothes. A similar situation is observed by Mangieri (2008) in Kenya, where local woven clothing and the production of printed cloth was at risk by the abundance of second hand clothing imports; citizens were more interested in new, second-hand clothing rather than locally sourced clothes as no two items of clothing were the same (Hansen, 2000). Here the second hand clothing industry has its pitfalls; by stripping individuals of their livelihoods, a large part of their identity could be taken as well, as many account their job to be a part of their identity. Thankfully

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15045002 come 1998 the trading of salaula stabilized and was no longer increasing annually. In order to accommodate for everybody, the Zambian government increased the tax on imported goods rather than banning them altogether, which was certain to benefit those involved in local manufacturing business. On the contrary, Rwanda in the 1980s didn’t have a functioning textile and garment industry. Instead there was an 88% loss of employment in the tailoring sector (Hansen, 2004) however in this instance, the importation of used clothing subsidised this loss by providing work in the distribution of these clothes for a higher wage (Haggblade, 1989). This shows that not all loss of identity is in fact a loss; in fact here the second-hand clothing industry has provided a new identity for consumers to obtain and mould to their own ideals. (316) Through ethnographic fieldwork, Hansen (2000) discovers one woman who owns a stand at a market in Zambia selling salaula; the money she makes is sent to her husband who is studying in North America in order to finance him as well as to afford more profitable trading trips overseas. This shows a benefit of the second-hand clothing industry as it is lucrative enough to provide a life for her family in Zambia and to finance her husband’s studies abroad, as well as letting her get better clothing from overseas, as she has more money to spend on better quality items. This is not the only case where salaula in Zambia is used as a tool in order to raise money for particular reasons. Hansen (1994) illustrates how one widow travelled specifically to Lusaka to buy salaula in order to resell it for profit, so as to travel to Zimbabwe for her deceased husband’s cleansing rituals. Perhaps in these cases salaula itself has not helped form a sense of personal identity, however it has been of help in both circumstances to increase quality of life. From this, it could be argued that salaula indirectly contributes to a sense of identity formation as a better quality of life could lead to these individuals discovering their true sense of self; “second-hand clothing

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15045002 practices involved clothing-conscious consumers in efforts to change their lives for the better” (Hansen, 2004, p.9). (235) In comparison to Rwanda’s decline in the tailoring industry, salaula kept many tailors in business in other countries such as Zambia and Kenya due to the high demand for alterations (Mangieri, 2008). Year on year, the availability and popularity of salaula grew congruently therefore customer demand for a wider selection of clothing grew as well. Where simply selecting the perfect item of clothing is not possible, alterations are needed for fitting purposes or if people want to edit the clothes to suit their own personal style; “customers, traders and tailors work hard to make salaula into their own creation” (Hansen, 2004, p.101). Altering this second-hand clothing is evidence of Africans forming their own sense of identity as they are putting their own stamp on these used clothes. This can be seen as a term of self-expression through means of style and fashion, and it can be argued that it is an expression of who they are. This links to Miller (2010) theory of semiotics and self-expression which shall be discussed in due course. In addition, Hansen (2000) states that the wants and needs of consumers in Africa shape what clothing they select to dress themselves with, which is influenced by various factors such as class, gender and whether they reside in urban or rural environments. These factors add to the idea that used clothing is regarded highly and is a much sought after consumer good in the eyes of African individuals, as they “incorporate the garments they carefully select into their dress universe on these bases of local norms of judgement and style” (Hansen, 2004, p.9). This thoughtful selection process further fuels the idea that the second-hand clothing industry has helped form a sense of identity amongst African citizens as “clothing is central to the sense of well-being among all sectors of the population” (Hansen, 2004, p.9). (305) The philosophical concept of ontology is, in simplistic terms, the way in which we as humans know the world (Holbraad & Pedersen, 2017). This links to the theory of 4

15045002 semiotics, whereby it is stated both in everyday life and in philosophy that humans consider there to be a ‘true self’ that stays deep within ourselves (Miller, 2010). In consideration of clothing and fashion, it could be used to show who we are on the surface, however clothing may also be used to lie about who we are; “clothing plays a considerable and active part in constituting the particular experience of the self, in determining what the self is” (Miller, 2010, p.40). Miller (1994) conducted fieldwork in Trinidad, from which the results can be applied to Africa. Africans are not necessarily concerned with fashion, but are intrigued more by style. Fashion can be determined as the collective following of a trend, however style is assembled individually and is based not purely on what clothes one wears, but how the individual wears them (Miller, 2010). This links to the second hand clothing industry as Africans meticulously choose their salaula clothing and alter it to their own style, in turn creating a sense of identity for themselves. The sape originated from the start of the colonial era; the sapeurs as they have come to be known, adopted ‘modern’ European clothes and fashioned these clothes themselves (Friedman, 1994). In the early 1900s, houseboys mimicked their master’s clothing choices; they wore suits and accessorized with pocket-watches, canes and gloves. Shortly after a decade passed, houseboys became dissatisfied with hand-me-down clothes from their masters as they themselves had developed a taste for fashion and desired the most up to date clothing in their wardrobes (Gondola, 1999). Members of the Congolese youth aim to migrate to Paris in order to fulfil their ideals of European fashion. Gondola (1999) explains how the expression ‘mikiliste’ describes the Congolese living in Europe, mainly young males: “They envision Europe as an immaculate, immense city of light… In short, a place where the living is easy” (Gondola, 1999, p.28). This want, and in some cases success, of migration to mainland Europe illustrates that members of the Congolese youth aspire to form their own sense of identity through chasing and consuming these fashion

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15045002 ideals that they have created. However, Gondala (1999) expresses how there is a difference between the mikiliste and the sapeur; the mikiliste dress the way they do in order to diminish social status and make it harder for others to determine social class amongst citizens. The sapeur are different; to be a sapeur, at the start the men must consistently build upon their wardrobe piece by piece and then display their items at dance bars and parties (Friedman, 1994). They then migrate overseas to Paris, where the newest arrivals are at the lowest rank and work their way up to become a highly regarded sapeur; this use of ranking is “the fundamental principle of La Sape” (Friedman, 1994) and helps these Congolese men in forming a sense of identity in two ways. Firstly, they select the pieces that enter their wardrobe and allow them to move up the hierarchy, therefore they are gradually shifting and building upon their identity until they reach the top rank. Secondly, the intricate selection process of choosing garments for their wardrobe, as echoed in the careful selection of second hand clothing in Zambia as mentioned previously, reflects individualism and shows the world who and what they identify as. Visits are made by the sapeurs back to the Congo in order to flaunt their new clothing to the remaining sapeurs at home; these visits are made a number of times in order to demonstrate their acquisitions and finally they return to the Congo and reintegrate back into society (Miller, 1994); “This process is the making of a great man… the highest category in the rank order” (Miller, 1994, p.178). From the point made and discussed throughout this paper, the author has concluded that consumption of Western fashion has helped form a sense of identity for people in contemporary African cities. From the 1980s in Zambia when salaula was first legalised and the importation and sale of second hand clothes became the most popular commodity, to Rwandan’s loss and gain of a new identity in the form of new jobs, Western fashion has shaped the identities of African people. Although at a 6

15045002 certain point salaula proved to jeopardise local Zambian trade, the government later listened to the complaints of the people and introduced a tax on imported clothing, thus helping all Zambians to continue creating their identity, be that with Western fashion or with locally produced garments. The rise in the tailoring industry in Zambia aided the formation of identity as Africans were able to make Western clothes into their own, thus portraying their own identity through their clothing. The philosophical concept of ontology combined with the theory of semiotics allows an insight into the idea that “consumption defines identity” (Friedman, 1994, p.169), which the author argues is true in the case of African consumption of Western fashion. A case study on the sapeurs highlights clearly that men of the Congolese youth gain much of their identity from Western fashions particularly from Paris, from which they migrate to and from in order to display their wardrobes and receive a higher rank within society. This adoption of Parisian fashion and the high regard in which these men are seen upon return to the Congo demonstrates the importance of the formation of their identity as the way they dress and the garments they choose have a direct impact on the way they see the world and they way they identify as themselves.

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15045002 Bibliography Friedman, J. (1994). The Political Economy of Elegance: An African Cult of Beauty. In: Friedman, J., (ed.) Consumption and Identity. Singapore: OPA, pp.167-187. Gondola, C.D. (1999) ‘Dream and Drama: The Search for Elegance among Congolese Youth’, African Studies Review, 42, pp.23-48. Haggblade, S. (1989) ‘The flip side of fashion: Used clothing exports to the third world’, The Journal of Development Studies, 26(3), pp.505-521. Hansen, K. (1994) Dealing with Used Clothing Salaula and the Construction of identity in Zambia’s Third Republic. Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Karen_Hansen10/publication/249879319_Deali ng_with_Used_Clothing_Salaula_and_the_Construction_of_Identity_in_Zambia's_Th ird_Republic/links/56d43c7f08ae868628b248d9/Dealing-with-Used-Clothing-Salaulaand-the-Construction-of-Identity-in-Zambias-Third-Republic.pdf (Accessed: 30 November 2017) Hansen, K. (2000) Salaula: The World of Secondhand Clothing and Zambia. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Hansen, K. (2004) ‘Helping or hindering? Controversies around the international second-hand clothing trade’, City and Society, 20(4), pp.3-9. Holbraad, M. and Pedersen, M.A. (2017) The Ontological Turn: An Anthropological Exposition. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Mangieri, T. (2008). African Cloth, Export Production and Second-hand Clothing in Kenya. In: Labrianidis, L., (ed.) The Moving Frontier: The Changing Geography of Production in Labour-Intensive Industries. Great Britain: MPG Books Ltd, pp.301310. Miller, D. (1994). Style and Ontology. In: Friedman, J., (ed.) Consumption and Identity. Singapore: OPA, pp.71-96. Miller, D. (2010) Stuff. Cambridge: Polity Press.

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