Sophia Liu POL3315 Midterm A PDF

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Sophia Liu Professor Claudia Halbac POL3315 20 October 2020

Midterm A Issue 1: Scientific Method in Social Science 1. Identify the type of scholarship you are looking at : a. Abstract 1: Empirical Article i.

Empirical articles are considered to be articles that will explore the causal effects of given research or events that have had a specific outcome. According to Leann C. Powner, “The goal of an empirical article is to test or examine the support for hypotheses derived from some theory” (Powner 2). Abstract 1 meets the criteria of being considered an empirical article because there are independent and dependent variables that specifically link to a certain hypothesis. In our case, as abstract 1 states “Therefore, it analyzes the effect of legal instruments that facilitate class action lawsuits and collective litigation in most countries upon the rent-seeking strategies of groups, as compared to rent-seeking through legislation”. Independent and dependent variables, in the subtext of empirical articles, are defined as “The factors that researchers think contribute to an explanation are called independent variables, the outcomes being explained are the dependent variables. [...] Variables are linked in a hypothesis, which is a specific statement of what the researcher thinks will happen to the dependent

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variable when the independent variable changes in different directions” (Powner 2). ii.

The independent variable in Abstract 1 is identified as the different legal instruments that are used to facilitate class action lawsuits and collective litigations. The dependent variable is identified as the rent-seeking activity.

b. Abstract 2: Theoretical Article i.

Theoretical articles, as defined by Leann C. Powner, are “[...] articles are usually propositional in nature. They propose or suggest explanations or ways to understand certain events or certain classes of events” (Powner 1). To further elaborate, the most important aspect of a theoretical article is the educated assumptions made in the proposed explanation.

ii.

Abstract 2 is considered to be a theoretical article because it attempts to explain certain outcomes based on unprecedented results. Abstract 2 states that “This study utilizes data from this sample to estimate the union/nonunion wage premium for registered nurses and among some of the occupational-, workplace-, and individual-specific characteristics”. Obviously, with highly volatile results, one cannot accurately determine what is to be in the future. When we estimate data, we are assuming that this certain information or outcome is a result.

2. Do you think collective action is a good theory? a. In order to answer this question properly, it is important to understand the definitions of collective action and what it takes to be considered a good theory.

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According to Stephen Van Evera, there are, “seven prime attributes [that] govern a theory’s quality. These seven prime attributes include: large explanatory power, simplicity, satisfaction, framed clearly and specifically, falsifiable, explains important phenomena, and prescriptive richness. According to political analysts Kenneth A. Shepsle and Mark S. Bonchek, collective actions can be found to be in“[...] groups of individuals pursuing some common interest or shared objective maintenance of a hunting and fishing habitat, creation of a network for sharing computer software, lobbying for legislation, playing a Beethoven symphony, or whatever - consists of individual who bear some cost or make some contributions on behalf of a joint goal” (Shepsle & Bonchek 226). In short, collective action is a group of people who come and make contributions together in order to pursue a similar goal. I believe that collective action is indeed the ideal and most efficient way to achieve a goal. I say this because with many people who share the same dream or goal, often find themselves using one another as a network platform. Multiple perspectives, ideas, and innovations towards a goal could not only more efficiently achieve said goal, but could also make the end product even better. The collective action theory falls under every aspect of the seven prime attributes that govern what a good theory is.

Issue 2: Rent-seeking To ‘rent seek’, according to the Library of Economics and Liberty, is defined as “... to describe people’s lobbying of the government to give them special privileges. A much better term is ‘privilege seeking’” (ECONLIB). Non dairy substitute companies add the term ‘milk’ to their

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products, ergo creating the commonly known almond milks, soy milks, coconut milks, etc. However, dairy companies believe that this behavior is to be considered ‘rent-seeking’. Milk, as defined by the FDA, is in short, “the lacteal secretion, practically free from colostrum, obtained by the complete milking of one or more healthy cows” (FDA). The rent accusation comes from the idea that non-dairy companies should not be allowed to put the term ‘milk’ on their products, as it is not considered a nutritional substitute for milk, nor is it actually considered a form of milk by any standard. Almond milks, soy milks, etc., would not be as appealing if they were called ‘almond drink’, or ‘soy based milk alternative’, and therefore, growing a bigger industry, through misinformed and confused consumers that do not know the FDA’s standard of milk or its nutritional differences.

Issue 3: Collective Action Though the boycotting and striking against Amazon executives serves a good purpose, it will not be successful. The movement on paper sounds well premeditated, one cannot be sure if the results of the boycotts and strikes against Amazon executives and working environments will have the same effect in the United States and it did in the European region of Amazon. One of the prime seven attributes to a good theory is clearly framed. According to Van Evera, “A clearly framed theory fashions its variables from concepts [...and] includes a full outline of the theory’s explanation” (19). It is also important to understand that if a theory is not clearly framed, it may cause the theory to be non-falsifiable and being falsifiable is one of the prime attributes of a good theory. The Amazon workers in Europe have had multiple successes in terms of fighting against their respective corporate and working conditions. As a result, the Amazon workers in the US already have a step ahead in executing this movement, as the attribute of having a clear

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framework exists based on precedent. However, would the legal jurisdictions of not only working conditions, fairness to employees, and not to mention the restrictive right to organize heavily impact their result? This would, in turn, result in the ‘falsifiable attribute’ of a good theory to be void. To add on, the ‘satisfying attribute’ of a good theory is already accounted for. The ‘satisfying attribute’ is defined as “[...] satisfies our curiosity. A theory is unsatisfying if it leaves us wondering what causes the cause proposed by the theory” (Van Evera 19). Jeff Bezos, the CEO of Amazon, avoids sales taxes through loopholes, and therefore acts perfectly legal. There is no wage guide to follow for Bezos other than minimum wage, and therefore is not legally obligated to deal with wage gaps between the blue and white collar jobs. Those following the movement would eventually come to realize that there is no due diligence that is required from the company, and the only hopes of ever making an impact to the company would be for nearly all of Amazon’s clientele to stop using their services, which is a request that not many would abide by. The ‘simplifying attribute’ works in favor of the movement. As defined by Van Evera, the ‘simplifying attribute’ is “[...] a good theory is parsimonious. It uses few variables simply arranged to explain its effects” (19). The only variables needed to take effect is to avoid shopping on Amazon for the average consumer, and for the workers to march out and strike during Prime Day, one of the few days of the year that meet extremely high sales records. But this assumes that every consumer on Amazon does not have a certain level of dependency to Amazon’s service. This cannot be possible, and though a large number of consumers can opt out of using said services, there will only be an impact to the extent that will be, at best, unobtrusive. At best, this movement will create and spread awareness towards the harsh conditions,

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unfair wages, and corporate executives benefitting from the losses of their workers. As stated in Issue 4, the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, will perhaps see itself signed and approved by the Senate, improving the livelihoods of the common workers in America, and to punish corporations from having the unbelievable amounts of power they hold not only on their workers, but in economics and politics as well. However, with all the contradictory forms of evidence and variables acting against the seven prime attributes of a good theory, it does not seem that this movement will prove to be effective.

Issue 4: Right to Work Laws vs. Union / Agency The Protecting the Right to Organize Act, otherwise known as the PRO Act, according to Eli Rosenberg, would “[...] give workers more power during disputes at work, add penalties for companies that retaliate against workers who organize and grant some hundreds of thousands of workers collective-bargaining rights they don’t currently have” (The Washington Post). This act revolves around the desperately needed for labor law reformation. The rights of the common worker are too often overpowered by corporate and monopolistic companies. I do support this bill because this bill will allow employees and employers to be on the same page, and allow for major improvements for worldwide working environments and conditions. This bill will also allow for more open communication within the labor system among employee and employer. For example, in the long run instead of the employees having the urge to go on strike because they feel or are being mistreated, they can speak up to their higher ups and come up with a mutual understanding and agreement without the situation getting out of hand. The bill also allows for laborers to feel empowered mentally and can help with the productivity of work, instead of thinking how poor their working environment is, they could be thinking about how to

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help improve their working environment with the help of their supervisors. Before this bill, there was the Wagner Act of 1935 and Taft Hartley of 1947. The Wagner Act of 1935 allowed for workers to have the legal right to form or join unions under Section 7 and curtailed management’s response to unionization efforts (Labor in the US pp). The bill was passed in May of 1935 and signed into law on July 5th 1935 by President Roosevelt (National Labor Relations Board). The Taft-Hartley Act, also known as The Labor Management Relations Act of 1947 was passed to make reformations to the Wagner Act. The amendment defined six additional unfair labor practices and also protected employees’ rights from these unfair practices by different unions (NLRB). Another important fact to remember is that The Taft-Hartley Act allowed the states to close shops and/or union shops (Labor in the US pp). The National Labor Relations Board, which is, in short, an independent federal agency to safeguard employees rights to organize, would gain power through this bill in order to penalize companies that would try and abuse the system and deny any rights for the common worker. With our GDP reaching record lows, we must not allow heavily protected corporate executives and monopolistic companies to be immunized from the damages of the economy at the expense of the common citizen. Though this bill may never see daylight when it comes to the Senate, the PRO Act would be the key step to improving the rights to organize for the workers that have been victimized because they would otherwise be powerless. One perspective might say that the PRO Act ensures that employers and corporations do what their jobs require them to do: creating fair wages, ensuring workers are properly trained to develop a skill set and to be productive in society, work environments being in, at the very least, passable and safe conditions, and the treatment of workforces with decency, respect, and civility. If a worker stays at a company, showing loyalty, and to have an agenda that ensures the company’s satisfaction and prosperity,

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the said company should have the same due diligence.

Works Cited

“1935 Passage of the Wagner Act.” 1935 Passage of the Wagner Act | National Labor Relations Board, www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/who-we-are/our-history/1935-passage-of-the-wagneract. “CFR - Code of Federal Regulations Title 21.” Accessdata.fda.gov, www.accessdata.fda.gov/scripts/cdrh/cfdocs/cfcfr/cfrsearch.cfm?fr=131.110. Evera, Stephen Van. Guide to Methods for Students of Political Science. Cornell

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University Press, 1997. Henderson, David R., et al. “Rent Seeking.” Econlib, 2014, www.econlib.org/library/Enc/RentSeeking.html. Powner, Leann C. “Reading and Understanding Political Science.” Leann C. Powner, 2007, www.leannecpowner.com/tchdocs/readingps.pdf. Rosenberg, Eli. “House Passes Bill to Rewrite Labor Laws and Strengthen Unions.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 7 Feb. 2020, www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/02/06/house-passes-bill-rewrite-labor-laws-strengthenunions/. Shepsle, Kenneth A. Analyzing Politics: Rationality, Behavior, and Institutions. Norton & Company, 2010....