Chapter ten Global Television PDF

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chapter ten: Global Television 1chapter ten: Global TelevisionClass : HUMI16 Spring 2021 - Summary Book: Practices of Looking 3rd ed., Marita Sturken Chapter: chapter ten: The Global Flow of Visual Culture Date : 10/18/ Short Description : This is a summary on the Global Television from the &quo...

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chapter ten: Global Television Class: HUMI16 Spring 2021 - Summary Book: Practices of Looking 3rd ed., Marita Sturken Chapter: chapter ten: The Global Flow of Visual Culture Date: 10/18/2021 Short Description: This is a summary on the Global Television from the "Pratices of Looking" for the HUMI 16 class, Spring 2021. Television has become a major field for the introduction of medium images in global flow dynamics in its different formats, such as radio, network, cable, narrowcasting and Web based programming. TV content was distributed to many national markets in the late 20th century from the US distribution centers such as studios.

Global Television Television, in its various forms as broadcast, network, cable, narrowcast, and web based programming, has been a key arena where media images have been entered into global dynamics of flow. In the late twentieth century, television programming was exported from production centers such as studios in the United States to multiple national markets. Between 1978 and 1991, the epitome of global television was Dallas, a CBS primetime soap opera about a rich Texas oil family that had aired in over 130 countries by the end of its run. By 2006, ABC had success in a global market with Ugly Betty, an adaptation of the popular Colombian telenovela Yo soy Betty, la fea. The global flow of televisual culture entails not only the transnational circula-tion of programs, but also the circulation of program formats, a concept and brand-ing model in which television series are not simply broadcast but are remade for different national and regional contexts ranging from Africa, Albania, and Austra-lia to Scandinavia, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Media scholars Michael Keane and Albert Moran write that format programming is an engine of transnational television. Though program formats are franchised throughout the world, many of them originate in relatively wealthy European countries such as the Netherlands and

Great Britain. Program formats are sold to other countries like franchises, using highly popular formu-las, which are sold as packages-licensing agreements with packaged information about previous show iterations and production notes on musical themes, staging, logos, character elements, and target audiences. This packaging makes programming decisions easy and keeps production costs low. The success of format programming is paradoxical-while the formats are homogeneous, they allow for a broad range of local variation. As media studies scholars Tasha Oren and Sharon Sharaf write, "Format adaptations' distinc-tion from the import of 'finalized' media products is sourced in their preservation of local language and culture, allowing 'native' producers to adjust the imported for-mulas to better fit their audiences' cultural tastes, sensibilities, and expectations." In the context of television news, the paradox of twenty-first-century globaliza-tion means that the new economic and information liberalization policies have not created a more democratic flow of information. Rather, "Global" news venues like CNN have become a battleground for control over the shap-ing of world opinion. During the 1980s cable era, the rise of pan-ethnic program-ming, such as Spanishlanguage programming aimed at multinational, diasporic audiences, dramatically changed the global map of television audiences. In a world economy dominated by trade liberalization, education and job markets were no longer limited to national contexts in the same ways. World television news was globalized in the cable era with CNN Interna-tional, the English-language network launched by Turner Broadcasting System in 1980. CNN was rebranded in the 1990s to make the network appear less American and more global. Launched in 1991, BBC World News, a privately held corporation, currently ranks as one of the most watched televi-sion news channels in the world, with an estimated weekly audience of 74 million viewers in 200 countries. Al Jazeera, which came on the global scene in 1996 with funding from the Qatar ruling family, challenged the dominance of Western news venues. In the early twenty-first century, the "Superpower" networks that had con-trolled late twentiethcentury news and media flows were challenged by multiple media outlets, including Al Jazeera. With eighty news bureaus and an estimated 40 million viewers globally, Al Jazeera aimed to reach listeners in and beyond the Middle Eastern diaspora. In 2005, the station launched an English-language satel-lite news service with twentyfour-hour broadcasting from headquarters in Doha, London, Kuala Lumpur, and Washington, D.C. The Sarajevo-based Al Jazeera Balkans, launched in 2011, airs in three languages: Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian. News globalization is a political process; it does not progress evenly among outlets and nations. The Al Jazeera

America news channel, launched in 2013, was closed in 2016.28 When national conflicts can be played out on a global news stage, coverage becomes crucial in generating foreign sentiment and support. The case of CNN Asia airing in China during March 2008 demonstrates this. Tibetan supporters sent emails with video clips to CNN headquarters, but the footage of dead bodies was countered by Chinese authorities, who con-tested the reported facts through state television footage of Tibetan rioters loot-ing and burning Han Chinese stores. A CNN online news account by journalist Hugh Riminton captured this situation as one of "Rival images" attempting to shape global news. CNN Asia coverage of the protests was blacked out in China, further limiting China's already heavily restricted news broadcasts. This constant reshaping of global news broadcasting demonstrates how the national and the global are in constant tension, with, for example, private and state-supported news reporters using global media to shape international opinion, and global actors struggling to work within specific nation-states. Although media's increased global-ization may erode the centrality of national programming, the media still tends to affirm national ideologies and identity. Concepts of the nation, what it means to be an American or Chinese or French citizen, are often an integral part of programming that traverses national boundaries....