Essay \"The Wildlife Thrift Store\" - grade B+ PDF

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The Wildlife Thrift Store Hollie Moulaison 301144606

Geog 325 Final Paper

(Vanhamme, 2013)

Introduction In recent years, thrift stores have been growing in popularity (DeLong et al., 2005). This is not referring to the lavish vintage resale business, but rather the dusty, dimly lit, loosely organized aisles containing the past belongings of people unknown (DeLong et al., 2005). ‘Thrifting’ itself is very a unique experience – rummaging through cluttered racks and shelves,

the unfamiliar musty aroma filling the air and of course, the chance of discovering something truly unique (Palmer & Clark, 2005). It is the ultimate example of where one person’s trash is another person’s treasure (Palmer & Clark, 2005). But what is it that makes the act of thrift shopping so alluring? Those who engage in the acts of second-hand shopping appear to be motivated by several factors (Guiot & Roux, 2010). According to Guiot and Roux (2010), moderate price, ethics, environmental concerns and recreational benefits have facilitated the proliferation of second-hand markets. Fashion uniqueness and vintage authenticity are other qualities that entice today’s second-hand consumers (Palmer & Clark, 2005). Stroeker (1995) concluded that price, uniqueness, attraction to experimenting with different clothing types, ethical and environmental consumerism and hobbies are the chief motivators when purchasing from thrift stores. In addition, second-hand retailers are able to appease a desire – or jouissance – that traditional retailers cannot provide, such as feelings of nostalgia, treasure and bargain hunting (Goss, 1993). Thrift stores also provide an atmosphere through which one can create a style they feel defines their unique persona (Palmer & Clark, 2005) – relating to both style and taste (Grant & Rosen, 2009). Furthermore, by having many of these thrift store establishments run by charitable organizations, as well as by offering goods at a reduced price, provides an affordable option for low-income households (Ha-Brookshire & Hodges, 2009). Specifically, this

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paper looks at how the Wildlife Thrift Store, located on Granville St. embodies these various characteristics.

Literature Review The current vintage clothing trend (Palmer & Clark, 2005), associated with a heightened interest around sustainability and economic constraint (Anderson & Ginsburgh, 1994), has expanded the perspective on second-hand markets from the retail distribution and consumer mindset (Guiot & Roux, 2010). For low-income individuals, purchasing second-hand embodies consumer behaviour concerned with relieving the burden of financial hardship (Hamilton, 2009). DeLong et al. (2005) determined that poverty is one of the key catalysts for vintage clothing shopping. Thrifty consumers have the unrelenting disposition to search for the lowest-priced commodity. (DeLong et al., 2005). This effort is then rewarded through the gratification of paying a small amount of money for a newly discovered treasure (Guiot and Roux, 2010). Overall, because thrift goods are generally less expensive than newer ones, the price advantages associated with buying used commodities are what motivate the thrifty consumer (Anderson & Ginsburgh, 1994). The second-hand clothing industry partially embodies the ethics surrounding consumerism by attempting to minimize mass clothing disposal, which have adverse effects on both the environment and society (Brace-Govan & Binay, 2007). Bekin, Carrigan, and Szmigin (2007) assert that activities surrounding second-hand trades are fundamental to the reduction of waste. In response to the evolving appeal towards environmentally-conscious clothing, many recent studies have exposed that the donation, recycling, reselling, reusing, and repurposing of thrift store commodities are vital behaviours that add to the social responsibility of consumers 2

when buying second-hand (Ha-Brookshire & Hodges, 2009). The increasing desire for simplified lifestyles and green consumerism choices have simultaneously resulted in an increased demand for used commodities (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). Furthermore, the reusing of functional secondhand products reduces the use of natural resources required to make new commodities, thus avoiding the unnecessary depletion of said resources (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). The act of thrift shopping also instills a sense of nostalgia (Goss, 1993). The feeling is one of the most characteristic incentives behind thrift store retailing – to make second-hand commodities appear unique, precious, irreplaceable, or fashionable (Palmer & Clark, 2005). According to DeLong et al. (2005), as an activity of leisure, second-hand retailers facilitate experiential opportunities through which one can enjoy a museum-like atmosphere in the stores by having touchable merchandise. In addition, relishing in the history of vintage goods is a significant, yet unique characteristic of thrift shopping, as it allows the consumer to envision the previous owner’s style and taste (Palmer & Clark, 2005). The appeal for uniqueness is brought on by the consumer’s desire to distinguish themselves from others by appreciating the inconspicuous value of special and unusual commodities (Snyder, 1992). Gratification comes when the consumer satisfies their aspirations for individuality (Snyder, 1992). Another motivation founded within the thrift store setting is the act of treasure hunting (Guiot and Rou, 2010). Guiot and Roux (2010) state that the process of treasure hunting is a behaviour performed by the consumer, involving one to meander around the thrift store to eventually discover something valuable, prized, and unique (Guiot & Roux, 20100. While it may be a somewhat arduous activity for some, for others it is the wandering and searching that provide the pleasure of hunting (Guiot & Roux, 2010).

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Today, the desire behind wearing used clothing has become an attempt to follow a fashion trend – unlike previous times when used garments were seen as being undesirable and purchasing second-hand was essential for economic reasons (DeLong et al., 2005). For example, ‘thrift store chic’ refers to an evolving fashion trend that involves repurposing used and inexpensive clothing (Palmer & Clark, 2005). The desire for individuality and aesthetics is a significant motivational factor incorporated in the quest of differentiating oneself from the mainstream fashion wearers (Guiot & Roux, 2010). Therefore, repurposing vintage clothing is a consumer behaviour fuelled by the longing for personal identity and self-expression (Snyder, 1992).

Empirical Context Located on the corner of Drake and Granville Street, the Wildlife Thrift Store provides an interesting alternative to shopping when compared to its neighbouring clothing retail stores. The Granville strip is one that is commonly associated with a boisterous nightlife and brand name shopping. Inevitably then, the hipster-aura created by the Wildlife Thrift store is a foreign presence for Granville Street. However, it is still a must-stop location for both vintage and bargain hunters (see figure 1). The Wildlife Thrift Store materializes the stereotypical image of thrift shops as being one of organized chaos (DeLong et al., 2005), yet simultaneously embodies a sort of ‘trendy’ aspect as well. Inside there are a wide selection of items, ranging from furniture and household accessories, to shoes and clothing (see figures 2, 3 & 4). Items are first categorized according to gender, then item type and lastly on size (see figure 2). In contrast to the attempts of organization, items are sometimes sporadically placed throughout the store (see figure 3). Further

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adding to the disorder, there is an abundance of vintage art hanging from the walls (see figure 3). As well, furniture for sale is organized in such a way that it recreates a living space, allowing consumers to view the possibilities of having such commodities within their own homes (see figure 4). The de-branding of commodities, the generic categories of product placement and the somewhat disorganized store setting all work to create a unique retail environment where products are seen as being anonymous (Snyder, 1992). Since 1997, the Wildlife Thrift Store has donated over $300,000 to local charities (Wildlife Thrift Store, 2013). As a 'Recycle Charity' they are not only able to recycle goods, but through generous public contribution, they are able to provide monthly donations to neighborhood charities (Wildlife Thrift Store, 2013). Accepted donations include all clothes, furniture, books and housewares, provided that they are clean and in good condition (Wildlife Thrift Store, 2013). This implies that nothing can be broken, ripped, stained or petscratched (Wildlife Thrift Store, 2013), ensuring that the commodity will appear valuable enough to be purchased in the near future.Such donations not only allow the Wildlife Thrift Store to support local charities, but also to help better the environment by reducing the amount of ‘junk’ found in landfills (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). Therefore, the space created by this thrift store is one that is both cost-effective and environmentally ethical (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). In regard to the types of people found within the Wildlife Thrift Store, most fell within a specific age category – students or young-working professionals. This speaks largely to the affordability associated with thrift shopping (Anderson & Ginsburgh, 1994). In contrast to affordability, however, many of the customers appeared to incorporate a somewhat creative, or eclectic aspect to their fashion choices. Arguably, mainstream retail stores cannot accommodate for the diverse desires sought after by these thrifty individuals (Snyder, 1992), therefore making

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the Wildlife Thrift Store a preferred shopping location for the unorthodox-consumer. Nobody in the store appeared to be in a rush, or new exactly what it was they were looking for. Rather, people seemed to be enjoying their leisurely search for the next treasure they might stumble upon, or alternatively, delighted in the pairing of various clothing items in attempts to recreate their own idea of ‘thrift store chic’. This do-it-yourself approach allows one to create original articles of clothing that can be very personalized (Snyder, 1992).Furthermore, as a result of there being a wide variety of commodity selection within the Wildlife Thrift Store, there didn’t appear to be a strong presence of any one gender, race or ethnicity. Assumably, this is because this particular shopping venue is able to cater to a wide variety of people.

Empirical and Theoretical Analysis Topic I In relation to the mall, Goss discusses the ways in which the retail store, through production placement, item categorization, product supply and price strategies, structure both shopping activities and consumer experiences within the store (Goss, 1993). While the Wildlife Thrift Store provides different means through which commodities are consumed then that of the mall, it still embodies many of the same qualities. For example, consumers are driven by simultaneous desire and self-contempt, constantly alternating between assertion and denial of identity, represented within the commodities they encounter (Goss, 1993). Furthermore, unaware of the fabricated constructs present within the environment of the thrift store (such as placement, organization, etc.), these characteristics inconspicuously create a stimulus for experiencing satisfaction by catering to the pleasure-seekers imagination and daydreaming (Goss, 1993). One difference that exists between the mall and the Wildlife Thrift Store is the retail built environment. Goss discusses how it is the structured retail environment that relieves the guilt

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associated with shopping and consuming (Goss, 1993). The disorganized, anonymous nature of the thrift store environment (DeLong et al., 2005) does not seem to mask the act of shopping in this way. Instead, the guilt of consuming within in thrift stores is relieved through the allocation of revenues to local charities, as well as minimizing environmental degradation by taking a commodity home, rather than having it eventually end up in the landfill (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). The actual process of thrift shopping is another occurrence that can be related to Goss’s theories’ regarding the mall. Shoppers within the Wildlife Thrift Store engage in a number of activities while shopping such as searching, examining, price calculations, aesthetic evaluations, socializing, and role-playing in regards to their reasons for being there (Guiot & Roux, 2010). Consistent with Goss’s (1993) work surrounding the mall, searching and examining are the two main thrift shopping activities where consumers engage in perpetual methodical searches of item’s material, brand, style, colour, price, etc. The disorganized, anonymous ambiance of the Wildlife Thrift Store conditions thrift shoppers to engage the pursuit for what Goss (1993) refers to as searching for their ‘object of desire’, which, in the case of the thrift store, is hidden amongst the garbage. Goss’s (1993) theoretical conceptualization of jouissance – enjoyment derived from experiential consumption shaped by the consumers’ imagination and fantasy – can also relate well to the process of thrift shopping. One of the many allurements of thrift shopping is that the consumer never really knows what they are going to find, thus producing a certain thrill associated with the hunt for the perfect treasure (Guiot and Roux, 2010). Moreover, thrift shopping allows consumers to indulge their desires for premium brands, antiques and collectable items, special clothing materials, designs and luxury items (Palmer & Clark, 2005). Ultimately,

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the goal is to find a treasure amongst the wide variety of anonymous items, all of which are listed at a bargain price (Guiot and Roux, 2010). While thrift shopping initially was lead from an economic standpoint (Anderson & Ginsburgh, 1994), it has evolved into an activity through which customers derive experiential and social benefits (Kim & Damhorst, 1998). For example, the anonymity of second-hand commodities help to eliminate their ‘past history’ and present them as neutral and new (Snyder, 1992). Consistent with Goss’s (1993) argument, this neutralization makes it possible for the product to always serve as novel stimuli, thus providing an experience not previously encountered in reality. Alternatively, such commodities also have the ability to recreate a feeling or scenario that has already passed (Goss, 1993). For example, within the Wildlife Thrift store there is a checkerboard floor, making customers feel nostalgic of an era that is no longer prevalent. As Goss (1993) describes, such environments purvey myths of ‘elsewhereness’, manipulating time and space to evoke idealizations of other places beyond everyday life. This ‘vintage’ feel is then further extended to the commodities themselves, creating fictions about the plausible stories behind them (Goss, 1993). This then also instils within the commodities, a sense of unique value, making them appear ‘one of a kind’ (Snyder, 1992).

Empirical and Theoretical Analysis Topic II Thrift shopping both relates too, and contradicts the idea of gated communities, described by Grant and Rosen (2009). For example, as this phenomenon continues to gain in popularity, there exist some tensions surrounding who should be shopping in thrift stores (Brace-Govan & Binay, 2010). Initially, before ‘thrift store chic’ became a recognized fashion trend (Palmer & Clark, 2005), thrift stores provided a means through which low-income households could

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economically consume (Hamilton, 2009). They were also seen a space that existed primarily for proletariat’s (Anderson & Ginsburg, 1994), inevitably creating a disjunction between the classes (Grant & Rosen, 2009). Grant and Rosen (2009) would describe this separateness as a ‘gated community’ meant only for the working class. However, as this phenomenon continues to grow, these spaces have begun to increasingly cater to the higher classes in search of unique, vintage items (Veenstra & Kuipers, 2013); the Wildlife Thrift Store embodies this social shift. The tension is that people who donate their belongings to thrift stores do so under the assumption that these commodities will go on to provide for those in need (Ha-Brookshire, & Hodges, 2009). It is therefore occasionally frowned upon when the well-to-do consumer purchases the limited amount of affordable commodities for themselves, when ultimately they have the freedom to shop in more upscale and expensive retail stores (Anderson & Ginsburgh, 1994). In contrast to the distinctiveness instilled by gated communities (Grant & Rosen, 2009), as the thrift increasingly becomes a common shopping venue for many, instead of being a place for the low-income individuals (Hamilton, 2009), those previous disjunctions have more-or-less been eradicated (Brace-Govan & Binay, 2010). The thrift store has slowly evolved into a place where all the classes can convene (DeLong et al., 2005). However, while the needy do still shop at thrift stores as a result of economic restrictions (Hamilton, 2009), second-hand shopping venues, like the Wildlife Thrift Store, have managed to maintain their ethical aura by allocating a portion of their proceeds to various local charities (Bekin et al., 2007). Today, the primary objective for places, like the Wildlife Thrift Store, is to raise money for the various non-profits they contribute to (Bekin et al., 2007). Therefore, in contrast to the arguments made by Grant and Rosen (2009), shifting social norms have alleviated the once present ‘gated community’ of the thrift store.

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Instead of segregating people in terms of taste and class (Grant & Rosen, 2009), the thrift store today provides a space where different preferences can converge (DeLong et al., 2005). However, despite this, there is still a select group of people who most commonly choose to shop in places (Guiot & Roux, 2010) such as the Wildlife Thrift Store. The first is the bargain hunter, the one most often associated with the less expensive commodities found within the thrift store (Guiot & Roux, 2010). Price sensitivity or price consciousness has been found to be a sensible predictor of thrift shopping behaviour (Guiot & Roux, 2010). The second consumer type is the modern consumer (Guiot & Roux, 2010). This consumer is more likely to be concerned with trends rather than brands and therefore has a broad spectrum of clothing style preferences, rather than having one distinct fashion taste (Guiot & Roux, 2010). The wide selection of unique commodities present within the Wildlife Thrift Shop caters well to the modern consumer (Guiot & Roux, 2010). The ethical consumer is the third consumer type and is one who is concerned with issues regarding sustainability and ethical production and trading (Guiot & Roux, 2010). By purchasing second hand clothing, the ethical consumer attempts to create social change and express their concerns for the environment (Guiot & Roux, 2010). Overall, these consumer-types are often not associated with what is seen as being ‘highclass’. Moreover, the retail space created by the Wildlife Thrift store is also not associated with being high-class. While the preconceived ideals of who is to be shopping in thrift stores are no longer present (DeLong et al., 2005), it is still unlikely to find higher-class individuals within the Wildlife Thrift Store setting. Generally, for the exceedingly wealthy person to satisfy their taste and desire for vintage commodities, one will often shop within upscale vintage resale setting (Veenstra & Kuipers, 2013), thus still maintaining the perceived ideals of ‘high-class’ (Grant & Rosen, 2009). In contrast to the Wildlife Thrift Store, such a retail environment instils a certain

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feeling of exclusivity that is imposed by the financial value of each unique item (Grant & Rosen, 2009). While inexpensive thrift shopping has increased in popularity, there has also been a ri...