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International Journal of Consumer Studies ISSN 1470-6423

Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum: fashionable consumers and attitudes to sustainability in clothing choice Lisa McNeill and Rebecca Moore Department of marketing, University of Otago, Dunedin, Otago, New Zealand

Keywords Behaviour, clothing, consum, eco, fashion, sustainable. Correspondence Department of marketing, University of Otago, Dunedin, Otago, New Zealand. E-mail: [email protected] doi: 10.1111/ijcs.12169

Abstract The fashion industry has recently heeded the call for sustainability and ethically sound production. There has been, however, a reluctant uptake of these products with many consumers and a seeming conflict with existing ‘fast fashion’ desires in this area. This study explores the attitudes of fashion consumers toward sustainable products, ethical fashion purchasing and their subsequent behaviour. The research applies the developmental theory model to a fashion context, finding fashion consumers can be categorized into one of three groups: ‘Self’ consumers, concerned with hedonistic needs, ‘Social’ consumers, concerned with social image and ‘Sacrifice’ consumers who strive to reduce their impact on the world. These different groups view fast fashion in conflicting ways and subsequent implications for marketing sustainably produced fashion products to each group are, thus, significantly different.

Introduction

Fashion consumption

As fashion cycles become increasingly fast paced, some sectors of the fashion industry have adopted increasingly unsustainable production techniques to keep up with demand and increase profit margins. However, in response to a global interest in sustainability and its related ethics, other sectors of the industry have begun to offer sustainable options in their product lines. Consumers have, however, been reluctant to adopt sustainable changes to their consumption choices, a phenomenon common to many industries offering sustainable products in a market based on rapid turnover of goods. Many producers in the fashion industry are attempting to change its unsustainable nature, but this is only feasible in the long term if consumers support sustainable fashion by purchasing it. Consumers are said to increasingly care about unethical behaviour, but this attitude does not always translate to behaviour (Bray et al., 2010), particularly in regard to fashion items (Joergens, 2006). This presents a challenge for marketers in an industry defined by rapid turnover of trends and associated disposal of ‘unfashionable’ apparel (Birtwistle and Moore, 2007; Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). The growing strain on environmental and social welfares caused by non-ethical fast fashion practices, and the potential to alleviate this strain through sustainable fashion practice, deems this research necessary. Consequently, the current research aims to explore fashion consumers’ attitudes toward the consumption of sustainable fashion and identify the impact of the ‘fast fashion’ psyche on these attitudes.

Consumption across many product categories is influenced by the human desire to express meanings about oneself and to create an identity, but this is perhaps particularly the case with clothing, which is constantly on display (Berger and Heath, 2007). Clothing is used to emanate meanings about the wearer to others and also to reinforce meanings to oneself (Belk, 1988). Consumers have a desire to create an individual identity through fashion that fits within the bounds of social norms (Thompson and Haytko, 1997; Murray, 2002). Given the importance of identity construction to many consumers, drivers to be ‘fashionable’ often outweigh drivers to be ethical or sustainable. This paradox highlights the clash of the desire to consume with efforts to limit consumption. Birtwistle and Moore (2007) whose research focuses on disposal of fashion items, ultimately assert that this phenomenon is due to lack of knowledge of the negative effects of the fashion industry on the environment. Further, Carrigan and Attala (2001) suggest the discretion between beliefs and behaviour is a result of other factors playing a more important role in determining purchase behaviour. These include price, value, trends and brand image, elements which are particularly relevant to clothing consumption (Solomon and Rabolt, 2004). Sustainably produced fashion has the potential to provide a means to alleviate current strain on social and environmental well-being resulting from increased consumer and financial pressure to produce more fashion product at an increasingly

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Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum

fast rate. In this way, sustainably produced clothing offers an ethical purchasing choice for fashion conscious consumers, while simultaneously meeting the needs that fashion, in the traditional sense, satisfies; the construction of identity through consumption. Fast fashion is not a new phenomenon, but a phenomenon that has nevertheless increased pressure on the fashion industry to produce in ways that jeopardise environment sustainable practises. As early as 1957, Simmel suggested that the ‘elite initiates fashion and, when the mass imitates it in an effort to obliterate the external distinctions of class, abandons it for a newer mode – a process that quickens with the increase of wealth’ (p. 541). The current state of the industry, coupled with contemporary concerns for environmental well being, as well as recent economic trends leaving families and individuals at financial risk, presents a platform that supports potential for consumer change. Consumers’ understanding of the conundrum between the cheap, fast fashion that is available to them and their altruistic interests in environmental sustainability is key to effecting change.

Sustainability, consumer ethics and fashion

Fast fashion The fast fashion phenomenon has revolutionized the clothing industry over the past decade. Changing consumer attitudes to apparel consumption, linked with low-cost production and sourcing of materials from overseas industrial markets has led to a culture of impulse buying in the fashion industry, where new styles of clothing are available to the average consumer every week (Mintel, 2007). Research suggests that this phenomenon is particularly salient amongst young female consumers, who have little awareness of the social impact of their fashion consumption, but exhibit the highest levels of demand for new fashion items (Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). Retailers recognize the importance of this segment of fast fashion followers to the industry, with major chain stores cited as offering garments designed to be worn fewer than 10 times (McAfee et al., 2004) and one in five young female consumers in Morgan and Birtwistle’s (2009) study of clothing behaviour acknowledging purchasing a new garment every week. Fast fashion acknowledges the consumer’s ‘insatiable demand for newness’ (Barnes and Lea-Greenwood, 2006, p. 269) and an increase in the number of recognized ‘fashion seasons’ (up from the traditional four) and enhancement of an environment where design, sourcing and manufacture decisions are made with an emphasis on speed rather than sustainability (Bruce and Daly, 2006) has been the norm. Predictions of growth in demand for ethical clothing choices are supported by changes to the sourcing of raw materials in the industry (Minney, 2007 cites a growth rate of approximately 40% per year for organic cotton fashion products), yet recent research highlights continued barriers to engagement in ethical apparel acquisition, including limited availability and relative expense of such products (Connell, 2010). Some researchers have termed this the ‘Fashion Paradox’, where the economic importance of the fast fashion industry globally has protected it somewhat from criticism of its inherent obsolescence and waste (Black and Ekert, 2010, p. 813), thus, slowing an industry-wide movement toward ethical practice and legitimising the role of unethical fast fashion in the marketplace.

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Literature devoted to the discussion of consumer ethics has increased markedly in recent decades. Definitions of the ethical consumer, however, remain broad, with the notion of ethical consumption applied to numerous contexts and belief systems (Shaw and Connolly, 2006). Taking into account these diverse perspectives, ethical consumers can generally been termed those who consider the wider impact of their consumption on other humans, animals or the physical environment (e.g. Barnett et al., 2005). Where discussion of ‘ethical consumers’ has increased in both academia and industry, research suggests, however, despite a shift toward sustainable practice in many industries, consumers have yet to fully embrace sustainable goods and practices in a number of categories (Brooker, 1976; Roberts, 1996; Butler and Francis, 1997; Carrigan and Attalla, 2001; Harrison et al., 2005). These studies suggest that while many consumers have strong convictions toward the consumption of sustainable goods, these convictions do not always translate into action. Researchers propose that a central issue related to engagement in ethical or sustainable consumption is that of the power dynamics inherent in the social practice norms of the specific market in which the consumption takes place (Shaw and Riach, 2011). Bourdieu (1984, 2000) proposed the concept of ‘field autonomy’ to explain the apparently conflicting actions of individuals in different contexts, and Shaw and Riach (2011, p. 1058) apply this to ethical consumption behaviour, noting the difficulty of individuals ‘exclusively inhabiting ethical spaces’. Consumers are said to struggle to set parameters around their ethical practice and an anticonsumption stance is not always a ‘cultural or political feasibility’ (Shaw and Riach, 2011, p. 1063). This is particularly relevant in the context of fast fashion, where consumer awareness of sustainable options is said to be particularly low (Butler and Francis, 1997; Birtwistle and Moore, 2007) and the pull of fast fashion being the constant array of new and more desirable goods (Bruce and Daly, 2006). Even when consumers seek out products made under ethical conditions or from sustainable fabric sources, the desire for updated fashion increases waste and disposal of goods deemed ‘unfashionable’ after only limited use (Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). Alongside the discussion of consumer ethics in relation to fashion consumption has been a consideration of the ‘slow culture’ approach to systems change. Like that of the slow food movement, the slow fashion concept asks consumers to question established practices and worldviews, questioning the economic models underpinning fashion production and consumption (Fletcher, 2010). Where slow fashion is a sustainable approach to fashion production and consumption, it focuses greater attention on ‘valuing and knowing the object’ (Clark, 2008, p. 440). This means understanding the process of raw material to finished product as part of the experience of consumption. This form of ethical consumption is centred in a consumer value system that engages with experience values over self-enhancement values (Manchiraju and Sadachar, 2014).

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Figure 1 Sustainability attitude stages. Source: Adapted from Robins and Greenwald (1994)

Exploring sustainability attitudes Although research on attitudinal behaviour regarding sustainability and ethics is available, none is specific to sustainable fashion consumption (the choice of fashion products produced using ethical processes or fabrics, or reduction/reuse of fashion items by the consumer). Models of sustainable production in the fashion industry have been suggested, such as the ‘Considerate Design Framework for Personalised Fashion Products’, which accepts the pull of mass fashion and centres on developing (profitable) guidelines for mass customisation of sustainable fashion goods (Black and Ekert, 2010). Understanding consumer drivers for uptake of such sustainable fashion products is, however, far more complex and may begin with a closer examination of ethical values and attitudes more generally (e.g. Shaw and Connolly, 2006). The theory of cognitive development refers to the notion that human’s cognition or thoughts can be categorized into developmental stages, increasing with the progression of psychological sophistication (Piaget and Rosin, 1978). Kegan (1982) conceptualized ego development through developmental theory, and Robbins and Greenwald (1994) further apply this to environmental attitudes under the assumption that levels of concern for the environment could be differentiated according to ego stage,

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with concern for the environment increasing as ‘cognitive complexity to include affective and social components’ increased (p. 31). Robbins and Greenwald(1994) suggest that environmental attitudes amongst women fit into three of the six stages outlined in Kegan’s (1982) theory of ego development (refer Fig. 1). The stages in Robbins and Greenwald’s research evolve from Stage 2 (where the individual has no concern for environmental degradation unless the phenomena is concrete was close to the respondent in terms of geography, time and relevance to self) through to Stage 4 (where the individual is constantly aware of nature’s presence and can process abstract ideas such as environmental effects that are not physically present). It is important to note, however, that stages are viewed as fluid and individuals can move through stages as their psychological sophistication progresses (Piaget and Rosin, 1978). In the context of Robins and Greenwald’s research, participants who received new information about the environment in a way they could understand could potentially move into the next stage (Robbins and Greenwald, 1994). Stages 0 and 1 were included in Kegan’s (1982) ego development theory, but not in Robins and Greenwald’s (1994>) environmental contextualisation. The inclusion of these stages would imply that the individual had

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L. McNeill and R. Moore

Sustainable fashion consumption and the fast fashion conundrum

Table 1 Depth interview participant profiles

Participant

Age

Sex

Occupation

Per Month Fashion Spend (Avg.$NZ)

P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9 P10

22 22 39 22 23 22 21 25 23 52

F M F M M F F M M F

Pharmacist Tertiary Student Teacher Marketer Self-Employed Tertiary Student Law Physical Education Self-Employed Early Childhood Educator

500.00 50.00 100.00 100.00 80.00 20.00 250.00 100.00 20.00 150.00

no awareness of the surrounding environment; a criteria that is virtually impossible to fulfil in today’s society. Kegan (1982) noted that progression of psychological sophistication led to an increased concern for things and people other than the self (concern for the environment and well being of others in relation to use of resources according to Robins and Greenwald, 1994). Recent research, however, suggests that a number of barriers impact on the development of positive attitudes toward ‘eco-conscious apparel acquisition’, including a lack of consumer knowledge, availability, economic resources, retail environments and societal norms (Connell, 2010, p. 279). Add to this, the enduring perception that sustainably produced clothing is unattractive (thus, by definition, unfashionable) (Tomolillo and Shaw, 2003), and these factors serve to impede sustainable consumption (Bray et al., 2010). Two core factors (individual attitude and social norms) are cited as antecedents of behaviour in Fishbein and Ajzen’s (1980) Theory of Reasoned Action, with a third factor (control over the action) later introduced by Ajzen (1988) in the Theory of Planned Behaviour. Where ethical decisions are considered in relation to planned behaviour models, a number of authors have tried to further understanding of the link between ethical principles and antecedent behavioural factors (e.g. Rest, 1986; Jones, 1991). Bray et al. (2010) note, however, that these models do not adequately represent contexts where ethics may be secondary to other decision factors (such as a perceived conflict between making sustainable choices and fashionable choices). As such, these models are said to explore decision making in a general sense, rather than being specifically concerned with consumption – in fashion purchasing ‘ethics might have some influence . . . but colour, style etc. are likely to be more important’ (Bray et al., 2010, p. 600). Exploratory research into consumer attitudes regarding both fast fashion and sustainable fashion provides a useful contribution to both fashion and consumption literature. From a practitioner perspective, understanding fashion consumption in this context can highlight policy development areas in sustainability; such as education of consumers, meeting consumer demand for ethical products and reducing waste and environmental impact in the fashion production industries. In addition, examining the ‘pull’ of fast fashion in contrast to the barriers to uptake of sustainably produced fashion or ethical fashion consumption practice will highlight the apparent contradictions in

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attitude and behaviour amongst self-described fashion conscious consumers.

Methodology Stage 1 The research was undertaken from an interpretive perspective, with understanding rather than quantifying being the main objective. The qualitative research design used a two-step approach, where initially a short, open-ended survey was conducted in order to identify whether the concept ‘sustainable fashion’ exists in consumers’ minds and if so, what it constituted; Twenty-eight individuals were intercept-surveyed, on the same day, in the main shopping high street of a New Zealand city. These consumers were asked about their perceptions of sustainability and ethics, as well as the concepts relationship to their consumption choices. Respondents were provided a short, self-response form that first asked them to indicate what ‘sustainability’ and ‘ethical’ meant, what these concepts meant in reference to consumption, and how often they considered these factors when purchasing. Lastly, participants were asked to relate sustainability and ethics to fashion consumption. Questions were open-ended, and responses coded into representative themes (refer Table 2).

Stage 2 The exploratory nature of the research question deemed qualitative research of an in-depth nature appropriate in the second stage of the study. Such a technique enables researchers to gain a fuller, deeper and more personal understanding of the phenomenon (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988). This allows the researcher to gain an insider’s perspective of the phenomenon appreciating idiosyncrasies unique to each individual (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988). Such an understanding was deemed necessary in this research because attitudes toward fashion and sustainability are likely to differ by individual and each response is context specific. Additionally, issues of sustainability and ethics, being at the forefront of public agenda, can evoke attitudes that individuals would be reluctant to divulge in public situations. In-depth interviews provide a means to overcome this barrier to some degree. In all, 10 individuals were selected for the in-depth interviews, five females and five males, with varied income levels

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