Title | Running head: POLITICAL CORRECTNESS STIFLES DEMOCRACY 1 Political correctness stifles democracy |
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Author | Marco Capriz |
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Running head: POLITICAL CORRECTNESS STIFLES DEMOCRACY 1 Political correctness stifles democracy. Marco Capriz September 26, 2010 POLITICAL CORRECTNESS STIFLES DEMOCRACY 2 Political correctness stifles democracy. Marco Capriz We live in fear of saying the wrong thing at ...
Running head: POLITICAL CORRECTNESS STIFLES DEMOCRACY
Political correctness stifles democracy. Marco Capriz September 26, 2010
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Political correctness stifles democracy. Marco Capriz
We live in fear of saying the wrong thing at the wrong time. So many seem to be offended by words. We have redefined our language to eliminate terms that have (or may have) second meanings. The boundary between banter among friends and offensive speech seems so easily crossed with detrimental consequences to friendships and relationships. Why? The United States, the only country to enshrine the concept of free speech in to its Constitution, has been at the vanguard in attempts to formally redefine the way we say things in order not to say them, but this trend is occurring elsewhere as well. We should be concerned about this trend. Superficially it would seem that our major worry should be reserved for the awful Orwellian convolutions in which the English language has been cornered by political correctness (how is someone who is paralyzed “differently able”?) However, just as Orwell posited, politically correct speech imposes a language that is used to control. Political correctness is Newspeak that is being used to neuter thought. When a minority (who are the offended) determines how language is used by the majority (who are not, in general, the offenders), a fundamental cornerstone of democracy is lost. Advocates of the First Amendment see any curtailment to the liberties it protects as a slippery slope to dictatorship. Unfortunately the slippery slope argument that curtailment of First Amendment freedoms will lead to further rights curtailment has been rejected in recent times by a new generation of writers who believe that offensive language should be curtailed without question. For instance feminist lawyer and anti‐ pornography crusader Catherine MacKinnon writes Wherever equality is mandated, racial and sexual epithets, vilification, and abuse should be able to be prohibited, unprotected by the First Amendment. The current legal distinction between screaming "go kill that nigger" and
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advocating the view that African‐Americans should be eliminated from parts of the United States needs to be seriously reconsidered, if real equality is ever to be achieved (MacKinnon). Whereas it is true that the issues debated in the US seem to be based around the perceived mistreatment of minorities, the worldwide threat to free speech based on tenuous excuses to keep verbal conflict from escalating in to dangerous physical conflict, are all too real. Most countries outside the US impose limitations on free speech. Those who impose the most limitations are arguably the ones in which people are the least free. China, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, most Middle Eastern countries are notorious examples. Rulers impose laws to prevent any speech that might be critical of they way they rule, but it is easy to dismiss them as an example because so many other freedoms are also curtailed. It is the grey areas where gag laws are subtler that are of more interest to the slippery slope argument. Thailand, for instance, prohibits any speech that is deemed offensive to the royal family. Long jail sentences are imposed on those guilty of lese majeste. But the law does not define what “offensive” means. By leaving the definition vague the law can be invoked against the author of virtually any words (spoken or written) that are unilaterally interpreted as being critical of any person connected to the royal family. This allows the law to be used frequently by the Government to silence critics. The slippery slope argument (outside the US at least) is all too real. Those who argue in favor of curtailment to free speech, and who, so far at least, are not those with the power to curtail, usually are well‐educated people living in countries where curtailment is not applied. They opine that as societies evolve there is the need to be more sophisticated in defining liberties. This is fallacious. As Michael Curtis argues Although it is currently fashionable to denigrate the "slippery slope," sociologists and psychologists do suggest that it is easier to persuade people ultimately to engage in actions they would otherwise reject by gradual and initially appealing steps. So there may indeed be a sense in which accepting
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censorship in a more appealing situation makes the next step easier. There is psychological support for the corollary that we all have an interest in free speech because repression tends to spread (Curtis). Mr. Curtis believes that we are already sliding. He recalls a number of cases that show how we slipped citing examples that range from “abuses under campus codes prohibiting conduct ‘creating a hostile learning environment’” to the Chemical Industry financed lawsuit against CBS for reporting on the risks of Alar to the even more absurd lawsuit filed by Monsanto against a dairy for using a packaging label stating that its milk did not come from cows that were fed artificial growth hormones. Can we tolerate any relaxation of the First Amendment just because Mark Twain used the word “nigger” in Huckleberry Finn? Those advocating the removal of this text from schools for its now dated prose are not considering the deeper implications to their own freedom their position entails. The guy who started it all did. The term political correctness came in to modern use following the arguments made by Herbert Marcuse in his seminal essay Repressive Tolerance, written in 1965. Marcuse, generally considered the father of the New Left movement, rejected the notion that free speech without boundaries was democratic. He saw the media as manipulators of the masses, writing In the contemporary period, the democratic argument for abstract tolerance tends to be invalidated by the invalidation of the democratic process itself. The liberating force of democracy was the chance it gave to effective dissent, on the individual as well as social scale […] The toleration of free discussion and the equal right of opposites was to define and clarify the different forms of dissent: their direction, content, prospect. But with the concentration of economic and political power and the integration of opposites in a society which uses technology as an instrument of domination, effective dissent is blocked where it could freely emerge; in the formation of opinion, in information and communication, in speech and assembly (Marcuse). Marcuse argues that since the media are in the hands of the rulers, they can no
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longer be trusted to promote the truth. Therefore protecting their right to free expression is unnecessary. Whatever merit this argument may have had when Marcuse first wrote it, it does not seem relevant today in an age where information is anarchically distributed and completely multi‐sourced. Marcuse’s argument is also arguably elitist, as indeed are the ones made by those who presume themselves to be protectors of a particular sub‐category of society. Fortunately, in the US at least, the First Amendment so far seems to be resisting attacks. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis was instrumental in ensuring the First Amendment would not be weakened in 1927, when he wrote To justify suppression of free speech there must be reasonable ground to fear that serious evil will result if free speech is practiced. There must be reasonable ground to believe that the danger is imminent. There must be reasonable ground to believe that the evil to be prevented is a serious one.... [E]ven advocacy of [law] violation, however reprehensible morally, is not a justification for denying free speech where the advocacy falls short of incitement and there is nothing to indicate that the advocacy would be immediately acted on (Brandeis). Offensive speech might be good for democracy. It tests the laws that protect it. However offensiveness to some should be met with contempt. Any attempt to restrict it through law will have much more offensive consequences to the liberty of all.
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Works Cited Curtis, Michael Kent. "Critics of "Free Speech" and the Uses of the Past." Constitutional Commentary 12.1 (1995): 29‐65. MacKinnon, Catherine. Only Words. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993. Marcuse, Herbert. "Repressive Tolerance." Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore, jr., and Herbert Marcuse. A Critique of Pure Tolerance. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. 95‐137. Whitney v. California. No. 274 U.S. 357. Supreme Court of the United States. 16 May 1927. ...