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Assess the view that Cromwell refused the crown in 1657 because he believed that to accept would be against God...

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Assess the view that Cromwell refused the crown in 1657 because he believed that to accept would be against God

Throughout his later life, Oliver Cromwell was known as a King In All But Name. His strong presence in parliament and influence across England, Ireland and Scotland was his advantage. Though his refusal of the crown was highly anticipated after the five weeks he took to respond to the offer, it is crucial to assess his reasoning. Firth argues that his fear was to lose his army or the army turn against him, Cromwell had a priority with the Army, and his reluctance to accept the Crown was largely to do with them. However it is also argued by Morrill and The Earl of Clarendon that Cromwell’s power hungry personality, a trait that allowed him to get to the top as rapidly as he did, was also the reason for his dismissal of the crown, due solely to his access to more power without the title of King. Finally and most predominant, Coward argues it is Cromwell’s residence with his Godly Reformation, and his fixation that to accept this role would be against god, thus creating ‘Jericho again’ 1. The counter arguments from Hirst, Woolrych and Wordon also effect the reasoning and assessment of Cromwell’s refusal. Furthermore to assess the view that Cromwell refused the crown due to his idea that it was against god, we must assess the other factors in play. Coward agrees with the argument that the crown was rejected by Cromwell due to his belief that it would be against God. Coward argues that whenever Cromwell thought that the godly reformation was ‘endangered by parliament’ he would ‘eventually decide to protect the latter’2, the latter being his godly cause. Cromwell’s belief that ‘God has brought us where we are’3 effected his every movement in parliament, to his advantage, in terms of the army, 1 C.Hoover, ‘Cromwell’s status and pay in 1646-7’, Historical Journal, 1980 2 Barry Coward, Oliver Cromwell, 1991, page 153 3 Cromwell to the army council. 1654

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but also to his demise: the various single governed parliaments. There is evidence for Coward’s thesis in the earlier years when he felt that the First Protectorate were not respecting the religious radicalism that he wanted for parliament at the time. Coward argues that Cromwell’s reluctance was also due to those of Broghill, of which he knew were hostile toward godly reformation. It cannot be ignored that the majority of decisions that have been made by Cromwell over his years in parliament, can be brought back to his beliefs in providence The Naylor Case is a classic case of how Cromwell had wanted to protect his godly reformation, hence the dissolving of the parliament. Hirst agrees with Coward’s view that God was his main objective, describing Cromwell as a devout Puritan, spending weeks attempting to determine God’s will4. This is evident from the extensive emphasis on Providence in his many speeches. Wordon also agrees with Cowards argument, recognising that Cromwell’s speeches always had direct correlation between politics and providence, stating that Cromwell believed he could not ‘provoke God’s wrath’ . Morrill, on the other hand has an opposing view that Cromwell was not static when it came to his religious tolerance, seen as he stated ‘He was a passionate advocate of religious liberty who stood by and let books be burnt and blasphemers be publically tortured’ 6. This questions Coward’s argument due to the fluctuation in Cromwell’s religious tolerance, questioning whether or not the foremost reason for the refusal of the crown was totally due to God and providence. Clarendon also disagrees with Coward, doubting Cromwell’s providence. He states that ‘Cromwell himself spoke of Providence…look again’. His doubt over his religious legitimacy shows the changeability in Cromwell’s views and actions. 4 Derek Hirst, England in Conflict, 1603-1660: Kingdom, Community, Commonwealth (London: Arnold, 1999), 308. 5 Blair Worden, .Providence and Politics in Cromwellian England,. Past and Present 109 (Nov. 1985), 57.v’ 6 John Morrill, Oliver Cromwell, 2007

Clarendon supports Morrill is the argument against Coward’s argument, however it does not seem as strong due to the emphasis on Providence throughout his political career. The original focus of the kingship crisis was the army’s initial hatred of the royal office and the army’s role is persuading Cromwell to reject the title of the King. Firth argues that the main reason for Cromwell’s refusal to the Crown was solely due to the opposition within the Army. He also argues that it was the army officers throughout England that also influenced the kingship. The evidence that correlates to this argument can be seen with the radical Cromwellians in parliament at the time of the Humble Petition and Advise. Their strong offense to it was due to a lot of the radical members of parliament being army officers, who supported Cromwell during his opposition to King Charles I. Cromwell’s reluctance to accept the Humble Petition was also predominantly due to the Army becoming smaller on the account of this. The reason this significant was because it had already been made smaller after the first protectorate had lowered taxes and gone into debt, thus ending the a small reduction. Hutton, in an assessment of Cromwell’s Protectorate, described the army’s response to the Humble Petition and Advise as they thought it was unacceptable, especially the hereditary monarchy.7 Coward criticises Firth’s interpretation, believing that the refusal of the crown was a well thought out political maneuverer. This is true and in correlation with the power motives for Cromwell, because if he refused the crown he still had the respect from the Army, which is what Coward states. Sir John Berkley, an Army Officer of the New Model Army stated that ‘his chief dependence was on the Army’ 8 it is evident that many Members of Parliament knew Cromwell’s relationship with the Army, ther Word count - 1007 them would be out of the question. However Berkley is unreliable here because during the

7 The British Republic 1949-1660, Ronald Hutton, 1990, page 63 8 Memoirs of Sir John Berkley, London 29 November 1647. David L.Smith; Oliver Cromwell 1640-1658.

civil war he was a royalist Army Officer in Devon and after Restoration he was in close quarters with King Charles II, therefore his remark could be seen as defective. Elizabeth Sparey agrees with Firth in that after the Putney Debates in 1647 Cromwell actively went out of his way to make certain that the radical political programme should not be put before the Army Council.9 Austin Woolrych however, disagrees with Firth, but felt that the Army were pressuring him to refuse it; therefore he turned it down at the last minute. He also argues that if Cromwell was genuinely threatened by the army his ranking and status would allow him to just ignore officers that opposed him. Hirst agrees with Woolrych’s argument saying that Cromwell was not a ‘passive plaything’ capable of being influenced by the army. Cromwell influence among all members or parliament, whether they despised him or worshipped him, was prominent. Morrill argues that the main reason for the refusal of the crown from Cromwell in 1658 was the amount of power that he would maintain without the title of King. He also argues that that gaining his role as Lord Protector gained him ‘a power greater than the old monarchy’10. Morrill also argues that the choice that Cromwell had to actively chose a successor differentiates Cromwell’s rule to the monarchy previously. The reason for the amount of power that Cromwell had as Lord Protector was solely due to the way in which the Instrument was written. General Lambert, who was also close to Cromwell, mainly wanted Cromwell to refuse the Crown as he would also gain a higher status if Cromwell had stayed as Lord Protector. Evidence for Lambert’s motives, according to Heath, are seen in the ‘cunning’ way in which he created the Instrument of Government, giving the Word count - 1302

Lord Protector a lot of power, therefore giving a lot of power to himself. This gives evidence 9 Elizabeth Sparey, Cromwell, 2004 10 Oliver Cromwell 11 G. D. Heath, .Making the Instrument of Government,. Journal of British Studies 6 (1967), 31

to the reasoning that the power that Cromwell had was extensive and accepting the crown would only lessen that. His power can be seen in the many domestic decisions that were made from Cromwell himself, for example the disillusionments of the Rump and Barebones parliament, the military force to close the first protectorate of parliament and most notably the rejection of the crown. Clarendon also argues that Cromwell was ‘ambitious to be King’ but he also knew that as Lord Protector he would have more power. Clarendon also stated after Cromwell’s success abroad that ‘Cromwell’s greatness at home’12, meaning his power as Lord Protector was superior compared to the power that he would have, if he was King. However, even though Clarendon was a royalist in his later years as an adviser to the King, in the early 1640s he was one of the first people to oppose the monarchical system publically. Though at the time in which he said this there were also many contrasting comments made by him such as Cromwell being a ‘brave bad man’. To conclude though Cromwell was adamant in his need to form godly reformation throughout England, his political technique was present in his decision of kingship. Ultimately from refusing the crown, he still had his power and influence with the ‘increasingly assertive conservatives’13 that were in parliament, as well as still maintaining the respect and support from the army. There is a direct contrast from 1648 at the trial of the King when Cromwell said to a judge “I tell you we will cut off his head with the crown upon it .”14 to his later years when the decision for kingship was debateable for him for five weeks. Cromwell stuck to his opinion throughout his career, and his

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radicalism and social conservatism was static throughout his years, though many opposed it. 12 Clarendon, VI, P92 13 Coward, The Cromwellian Protectorate 14 Cromwell to one of the judges at the trial of King Charles I, 1648

After assessing the factors in Cromwell’s reasoning to refuse the Crown, it is evident that his political technique played all three factors, but the most significant, similar to the rest of his career was once again, God. To put it perfectly Clarendon stated that ‘he could never have done half that mischief without great parts of courage, industry and judgement’.

Bibliography Oxford Dictionary quotations

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Barry Coward, Oliver Cromwell, 1991 G. D. Heath, .Making the Instrument of Government,. Journal of British Studies 6 (1967), 31. Oliver Cromwell and The Print Culture of The Interregnum, Benjamin Woodford, 2007 C. H. Firth, .Cromwell and the Crown,. The English Historical Review, (1902), Barry Coward, The Cromwellian Protectorate, Derek Hirst, England in Conflict, 1603-1660: Kingdom, Community, Commonwealth (London: Arnold, (1999), 308. Blair Worden, .Providence and Politics in Cromwellian England,. Past and Present 109 (Nov. 1985), Peter Gaunt, ..The Single Person.s Confidants and Dependents?. Oliver Cromwell and his Protectoral Councillors,. The Historical Journal 32:3 (Sept. 1989), The Unparralleled Monarch: of the Portraiture of Matchless Prince Exprest in some Shadows of His Highness My Lord Protector Peter Gaunt, .Law-Making in the First Protectoral Parliament,. in Politics and People in Revolutionary England, eds. Colin Jones, Malyn Newitt and Stephen Roberts (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 172-173. Hugh Trevor-Roeper, .Oliver Cromwell and his Parliaments,. in Religion, the Reformation and Social Change and other essays by Hugh. Trevor-Roper (London: Macmillan, 1967), 355 Christopher Durston, Cromwell.s major-generals: Godly government during the English Revolution (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2001), 23-25. Ivan Roots, .Swordsmen and Decimators.Cromwell.s Major-Generals,. in The English Civil War and After, ed. R. H. Parry (Berkeley and Los Angeles: 1970), 81. http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/historical-notes-oliver-cromwell-kingwithout-a-crown-1090461.html...